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The Bayard of India 




G.C.B., ETC. 











All Rights resoled 


Ye who have joyed to read, in Spenser's lay, 
How, in old time, a champion pure did ride, 
Through twilight wood, at " heavenly Una's " side, 

Guarding the meek one on her dangerous way ; 

Ye who lament o'er past romance to-day, 
Here see portrayed a " knight of holiness," 
Prompt to redeem the helpless in distress, 

And for the weak his lance in rest to lay. 

Bayard of India ! no reproach or fear 

Stained thy bright scutcheon, Nor alone in fight 

Pre-eminent wert thou, but couldst forbear 
Valour's high guerdon, quit thy lawful right. 

And bid a comrade's brow thy laurels wear ; 
Thus manifest in all " a perfect Knight." 

Pt. F. J. 







In all those qualities which mark the born leader 
of men, James Outram had very few rivals among 
the best and greatest of the soldier statesmen who 
rose to fame in the service of the old East India 
Company. From the day when " the little general " 
speared his first boar in the jungles of Western 
India, to the last hours of hard office work as a 
leading member of the Calcutta Council, our Indian 
Bayard won alike the confidence and the love of 
all who served with or under him, by sheer force 
of that personal magnetism which springs from 
lofty impulses guided and sustained by a generous 
disregard of self. His piety was deep, if unob- 
trusive ; and a heart more steadily loyal, in every 
sense of the word, — loyal to his country, his official 
chiefs, his family, friends and comrades of every 
degree, and not least of all to his own manly upright 
self, — never beat, I think, in human breast. 

In the following pages I have tried to set forth 


within a moderate compass the story of a life so 
memorable, so strenuous for all noble ends, so rich 
in brave deeds and stirring adventures, that it 
furnished one able ])iographer with matter enough 
to fill two bulky volumes. The present memoir, 
however, claims to be something more than a mere 
abridgment of Sir Frederick Goldsmid's valuable 
work. Through the unfailino* kindness of Sir 
Francis Outram I have been enabled to extract 
some interesting details from the mass of docu- 
ments which passed through Sir Frederick's hands. 
Some further information has been derived from 
sources which will be found duly acknowledged in 
the footnotes or the text of the present volume. 

L. J. T. 

ExMOUTH, September 1903. 






































The family of which James Outram was to be so 
illustrious a member can be traced back as far as 
the fifteenth century, when Thomas Outram was 
Rector of Durton, near Gainsborough, about 1435. 
In the Poets' Corner of Westminster Abbey is a 
monument to William Outram, D.D., Archdeacon 
of Leicester, Prebendary of Westminster, and Court 
Chaplain to Charles II. He appears to have been, 
in the words of Samuel Pepys, " one of the ablest 
and best of the Nonconformists, eminent for his 
piety and charity, and an excellent preacher." 
Early in the eighteenth century we come upon 
James's grandfather, Joseph Outram, of Alfreton 
in Derbyshire, " a well-to-do surveyor aud manager 
of estates, and himself possessor of some property 
in land and collieries, in whose marked vigour of 
character, shrewd sense, and kind heart, we begin 
to discern qualities which his sons and grandsons 
were destined to develop in a wider sphere."^ 

1 James Outram : a Biography. By Major-General Sir F. J. Gold- 
smid, C.B., K.C.S.I. Smith, Elder, & Co., 1880. 



Among Joseph's intimate friends was the cele- 
brated Benjamin Franklin, who in 1764 stood god- 
father to Joseph's eldest son, Benjamin. As a 
civil engineer Benjamin Outram played his part 
in the construction of canals and tramways, and 
crowned a successful career by founding the Butter- 
ley Ironworks in his own county. In this under- 
taking he had sunk the greater part of his capital 
when his untimely death in May 1805 involved 
his young widow and five small children in a 
tangled coil of unforeseen disaster. 

But Mrs Outram faced her broken fortunes with 
amazing courage, clear aims, and proud strength of 
will. Married at the age of twenty, Margaret 
Anderson had lost her husband after only five 
years of wedded happiness. Her father, James 
Anderson, LL.D., who died three years later, was 
a man of rare ability in many branches of agri- 
cultural science. At an early age he appears to 
have invented a small two -horse plough without 
wheels, commonly called the Scotch plough. For 
many years he rented a farm of 1300 acres in 
Aberdeenshire, and spent much of his leisure time 
in writing essays upon planting and other agri- 
cultural topics. In 1780 he obtained the degree of 
LL.D. in Aberdeen University. Four years later 
the Government engaged him to make a survey 
of the western coast of Scotland, for the purpose 
of developing the national fisheries, to which one 
of his pamphlets had drawn their attention. In 
1797 Dr Anderson went up to London, where he 
pursued his literary labours with a zeal so un- 
tiring that his health gradually gave way.^ 

^ Chambers's Encyclopaedia, " Dr Anderson." 


From such a father Mrs Outram must have in- 
herited some of those qualities which afterwards 
reappeared in both her sons. When she was barely 
seven years old she had lost her mother, a grand- 
daughter of Sir Alexander Seton, Lord Pitmedden, 
a Scottish judge, whose great-grandson, Colonel 
Alexander Seton, commanded the wing of the 78th 
Highlanders which met death so heroically in 1852 
on board the sinking Birkenhead} Owing to her 
father's absorption in his own pursuits, the edu- 
cation of his little maid was left, on the whole, 
to look after itself. But Margaret Anderson showed 
no lack of brains, energy, or common-sense ; and 
these, combined with her strong motherly instincts, 
helped the widow of Benjamin Outram to guide 
her fatherless children over the rough places in 
their altered lot. 

Her husband had died so suddenly that his affairs 
remained in irretrievable disorder. Assets and lia- 
bilities were mixed up in such hopeless confusion 
that the estate was finally thrown into Chancery, 
" to await," says Sir F. Goldsmid, " a tardy and 
unprofitable compromise." With the aid of £200 
a-year granted by her relatives, and the little she 
could realise from the wreck of her husband's per- 
sonal property, Mrs Outram contrived to support 
her growing family for several years. After five 
years of wandering from one place to another, she 
settled down in Aberdeen, where schooling was 
good and cheap. 

By this time her slender means were increased 
by a small annuity, which the Government after 
much pressing had bestowed upon her in acknow- 

^ Dictionary of National Biography. Goldsmid. 


ledgment of her father's public services. In order 
to obtain this pension the brave lady went up to 
London, where she pleaded her cause in a private 
interview with Pitt's old friend and colleague, Lord 

Bending before the rush of her wrathful eloquence 
— "To you, my lord," she said, "I look for the 
payment of my father's just claims. If you are an 
honest or honourable man, you will see that they 
are liquidated ; you were the means of their being 
incurred, and you ought to be answerable for them " ^ 
— Lord Melville used his influence with the Govern- 
ment of that day to obtain for Mrs Outram the 
needful pension. As he afterwards told her, he 
"never was so taken by surprise, or got such a 
lecture in his life." 

For some years Mrs Outram lived in a small 
cottage on the outskirts of Aberdeen. Thence m 
due time she migrated to an upper flat in Castle 
Street, with a view to provide her daughters with 
the best tuition which she could aff"ord. Many off"ers 
of assistance were made to her by her more intimate 
friends, ofl"ers which she persistently declined, for 
her proud spirit could brook no dependence on the 
charity of others. 

Francis Outram, the elder of her two sons, was 
sent at an early age to Christ's Hospital, whence 
after seven years he was transferred to Marischal 
College, Aberdeen. The off"er of an Indian cadet- 
ship brought his stay there to a speedy close. 
Three terms in the East India Company's College 
at Addiscombe sufiiced to win for him the rank 
of an ofticer of Engineers, and to send him on to 

1 Goldsmid. 


Chatham to complete his training for the Com- 
pany's service. 

James Outram, the second son, was born at 
Butterley Hall, Derbyshire, on January 29, 1803. 
In his twelfth year his mother placed him at Udny 
school, near Aberdeen, under the care of Dr Bisset. 
He is described by that gentleman as somewhat 
pale, but quite healthy, and of prepossessing coun- 
tenance. He had his mother's black glossy hair. 
" His dark hazel eye kept time, as it were, with 
whatever was going on, and marked his quick appre- 
hension of, and sympathy with, every scintillation 
of wit, drollery, or humour." At the same time 
" his usual manner was quiet and sedate." ^ The 
boy appears, from the same informant, to have made 
fair progress in classical and other studies, but 
devoted himself with a special zeal to mathematics 
and the exact sciences. 

One of his favourite indoor amusements was the 
carving of figures with a penknife out of any 
materials that might come to hand. For many 
years the figure of an elephant carved by young 
James adorned the mantelpiece of the Udny drawing- 
room, and drew forth the admiring comments of all 
who could appreciate skilful and artistic work. In 
quest of suitable subjects for his purpose he would 
visit the menageries which came to Aberdeen, and 
carve faithful likenesses of the animals that took 
his fancy. The monkeys seem to have been his 
favourite study, and his success in mimicking their 
various attitudes surprised all beholders. His 
mother sometimes thought of him as a possible 
sculptor, " but having no friends in that line," says 

^ Goldsmid. 


one of her daughters, "she did not make any 
endeavour to follow up this view." 

But it was in all kinds of outdoor pastimes that 
James Outram especially excelled. Even in his 
fourteenth year, according to Dr Bisset, he had 
become a recognised leader of the school in cricket, 
football, shinty, and bowls. An expert swimmer 
and diver, he would bring home pebbles and other 
trophies from the bottom of a deep pond in the 
school grounds. His feats in wrestling and climbing 
trees are also recorded by his master. " He was 
always kind to me," says a younger schoolfellow, 
" protecting me from the bullying of older boys ; 
and I believe he was equally generous and just to 
the others. ... In every adventure of daring he 
was the leader, and frequently he exposed himself to 
great danger." ^ 

His sister, Mrs Sligo, tells us how his playtime 
at home was spent in active exercise, gardening, 
mechanics, and every athletic sport. "He had the 
courage and fortitude of a giant, with the body of a 
pigmy (being ver}^ small for his age). I never 
remember his evincing the slightest sign of bodily 
pain." On one occasion when he and his sisters 
were scrambling among the rocks by the river Dee, 
a crab caught hold of James's forefinger. The blood 
streamed from his finger as he calmly held it up 
without moving a muscle, until the creature let go 
its hold. " I thought he'd get tired at last," was 
his cool remark as he wrapped his handkerchief 
round the wound. 

Nothing, however, pleased him better than going 
among the soldiers in the barracks, or the sailors at 

* Goldsmid. 


the docks. "I recollect," adds Mrs Sligo, "our 
surprise one evening when, on returning from our 
walk and glancing at the soldiers going through 
their exercises, we saw our own little Jemmy at 
their head, as perfect in all the manoeuvres as any 
among them. He was the delight of the regiment, 
but even still more, if possible, the sailors' pet. 
There was a mutiny among the latter — I can't 
remember the date, but I think he must then have 
been about twelve or thirteen years of age. All 
Aberdeen was uneasy ; my brother, of course, not at 
home. The sailors were drawn up in a dense body 
on the pier. The magistrates went down to them, 
backed by the soldiers, whose muskets were loaded ; 
and they were held in readiness to fire on the 
mutineers, if necessary. Between the latter and 
their opponents Jemmy Outram was to be seen, with 
his hands in his trouser- pockets, stumping about 
from one side to the other, like a tiger in his den, 
protecting his sailor friends from the threatening 
muskets ; resolved to receive the fire first, if firing 
was to be. 

"All ended peacefully, however, much to the 
general satisfaction, and to our particular thankful- 
ness, when we were told how our brother had 
exposed himself."' 

One day James Outram, then a boy of thirteen, 
was walking with a schoolfellow beyond Aberdeen 
when a large mastifi" attacked them both. In a 
moment James ran at the furious brute, and beat 
him ofi* with a shower of well-planted blows from 
his fists and feet. About two years later young 
Outram, who had meanwhile been transferred to a 

1 Goldsmid. 


another and higher school, appeared one day at 
home with a face so disfigured that his sisters at 
first could hardly recognise him. In reply to their 
anxious questioning, he merely said, " Never mind, 
Anna ; I've licked the biggest boy in the school in 
such a manner that he'll not ill-treat any of the 
little boys again, I'll be bound." ^ 

In 1818-19 we find him studying mathematics 
and attending lectures on natural and experimental 
philosophy at Marischal College, where his brother 
Frank had been studying before him. The officials 
reported him as "An attentive and well-behaved 
student, evincing good abilities and an amiable dis- 
position."^ It was not long, however, before these 
studies gave place to preparations for his future 
career. On hearing that his mother wanted him 
to enter the service of the Church, he exclaimed 
to his sister, " You see that window ; rather than 
be a parson, I'm out of it ; and I'll 'list for a common 
soldier ! " From one of her friends Mrs Outram 
received the offer of a direct cadetship in the Indian 
army, while another proposed to send her son out 
to India by way of that same Addiscombe through 
which his brother had already passed. 

Between these alternatives James himself at once 
selected the former. "My brother Frank," he re- 
marked, " when only half the allotted time at 
Addiscombe, gained all the highest prizes there, 
and got into the Engineers. If I remain the whole 
three years, I shall at the best come out only as 
cadet for the infantry. It's much better, therefore, 
that I should go out as a cadet ; I choose Captain 
Gordon's appointment." He had already learned to 
' Goldsmid. 2 Ibid. 


know something of himself and his own limitations. 
His mother also felt that he had done wisely in pre- 
ferring the direct cadetship to a course of prelim- 
inary training, which in his case would almost 
certainly have led to no adequate results. On May 
2, 1819, James Outram, then little more than six- 
teen years old, embarked on board the good ship 
York as a qualified cadet of infantry on the Bombay 




After an uneventful voyage of nearly three months 
and a half, Ensign Outram landed at Bombay on 
August 15, 1819. Among his shipmates was a cadet 
named Stalker, who was destined many years later 
to serve as Outram's second in command throughout 
the Persian war of 1856-57. Shortly after his land- 
ing Ensign Outram found himself posted to do duty 
with the 1st Battalion of the 4th Native Infantry, 
then stationed at Poona. From that place he marched 
with his regiment a few days later to the hill fort of 
Savaudrug in the Bangalore district. On December 
2 he proceeded to join the 2nd Battalion of the 1st 
Grenadier Native Infantry at Sirur in the Poona 
district, which had lately passed for ever under 
British rule. 

With the close of the year 1819 had begun a new 
era of peace, order, and prosperity for nearly the 
whole of India, under the strong and beneficent rule 
of the Marquis of Hastings. In the course of seven 
years that Governor-General had done great things 
in that vast peninsula, which for more than a hun- 
dred years had been given over to every form of 


anarchy, pillage, and armed strife. After teaching 
the Nepalese a long -needed lesson of respect for 
their British neighbours, Lord Hastings had made 
up his mind to crush out once for all the growing 
power of the Pindari freebooters, and to baffle the 
intrigues of those Maratha princes who still dreamed 
of reducing all India under their sway. In one 
bold and decisive campaign the great Maratha power, 
which had survived the slaughter of Panipat and 
the blows dealt against it by the Marquis Wellesley, 
fell shattered to pieces by the same hand which 
crushed the Pindaris and raised an English mer- 
chant company to the paramount lordship of all 
India, from the Satlaj and the Himalayas to Cape 

In 1819 the last of the Maratha Peshwas had ceased 
to reign at Poona ; the Eajah of Berar was a dis- 
crowned fugitive, the Rajah of Satara a king only in 
name, while Sindhia, Holkar, and the Nizam of 
Haidarabad thenceforth reigned only by sufferance 
of an English Governor-General at Calcutta. The 
old Mughal Empire lingered only in the palace of 
Delhi ; and the proudest princes of Rajputana cheer- 
fully bowed their necks to the yoke of masters 
merciful as Akbar and mightier than Aurangzib. 
With the capture of Asirgarh in April 1819, the 
fishtinsc in Southern India had come to an end. 
The large tract of country conquered from the last 
of the Peshwas had been placed under the fostering 
care of Mountstuart Elphinstone, who presently, as 
Governor of Bombay, completed the healing work 
which he and his able subalterns had begun from 

Early in 1820 James Outram was transferred to 


the 1st Battalion of the 12th Native Infantry, 
which had just been embodied at Poona. Only six 
months later he was appointed to act as adjutant of 
the same regiment. " I have now acted," he writes 
to his mother in October, " upwards of three months, 
and expect to act one month longer, as I believe the 
adjutant will not join till that time. It is of no 
immediate advantage to me, otherwise than that 
it teaches me my duty ; but my having acted as 
adjutant four months will give me strong claims 
for that appointment when it becomes vacant. . . . 
Should a vacancy happen to-morrow, I would not 
hesitate a moment about applying for the situation, 
as I would feel confident (without flattery to myself) 
that I would be equal to the task, with a little 
application and trouble on my part." 

He was still acting as adjutant when, in February 
1821, the regiment began its march to Baroda. By 
this time he had begun to discover that the duties 
of his office were not quite so light or easy as he 
had imagined. Writing to his mother in April 
from Baroda, he thus excuses himself for his long 
silence : " Many difficulties were thrown in my way 
which I had not foreseen. Several officers who 
were removed from the corps had charge of a com- 
pany each, all of which were thrown upon my hands, 
and I had to make out the papers of almost all the 
companies, besides all the battalion ones. Almost 
all adjutants have two writers, one which Govern- 
ment allows — a sergeant — and one which he keeps 
at his own expense. Now I have been altogether, 
I daresay, five months without one at all, and have 
never had more than one at any time. At first a 
sergeant was not procured (as it is a new corps) 


till about seven months after I had begun to act. 
I had now and then a writer for a few days, but 
I daresay I was five months without one altogether ; 
and when I got the sergeant I found him more a 
burden than a help to me, as he had everything 
to learn. ... I have also been latterly acting 
quartermaster. I am to be relieved by the regular 
adjutant, I suppose, on the 1st of next month, as 
he has been relieved from the corps which he has 
been obliged to remain with till this time. I shall 
then have done the duties of adjutant exactly ten 

During the monsoon rains of that year, a serious 
attack of fever drove Outram on sick-leave to Bom- 
bay. The doctors were of opinion that he should 
return to England to recruit his health, but Outram 
was eager only to rejoin his regiment, which had 
been ordered on active service in Kathiawar. In 
February 1822 he embarked from Bombay in a 
native boat, which had not gone far when an un- 
foreseen disaster compelled his immediate return. 
Besides his necessary baggage, he had laid in a 
stock of fireworks in honour of some festival to 
be kept that evening at Bombay. By some mis- 
chance the fireworks exploded, and the vessel was 
blown to pieces, Outram's horses were either killed 
or drowned, and the whole of his kit was irre- 
trievably lost ; but he himself was picked up float- 
ing, half-dead, and so disfigured that no one at 
the moment could have recognised him as a white 
man. A charitable Parsi found him lying helpless 
on the shore, and conveyed him in a palanquin to 
his own house, whence the wounded ofiicer was 

^ Goldsmid. 


finally transferred to that of Mr Willougliby, a 
civil servant in Bombay. 

The explosion appears to have spoiled his beauty, 
while it served to do away with all traces of the 
jungle fever. Writing to his mother two months 
later, Francis Outram, then a lieutenant in the 
Bombay Engineers, declared that the results of the 
accident might have been much worse. " James, 
however, has luckily escaped with a good scorching, 
and will be more careful with gunpowder for the 
future." 1 

His letters to his mother during this year attest 
not only the depth of his filial love, but also a full 
and abiding sense of all that Mrs Outram had done 
and endured for her children in the past. 

" You used to say you were badly off," he WTote 
in July ; " but as I had been used to poor Udny, 
I thought we were very comfortable at our humble 
home. Now, when I see how many privations you 
had to put up with, I think you made wonderful 
sacrifices for your children, whose duty it is to 
make you as comfortable as they possibly can. 
I, for one, am certainly sorry that I have not been 
more prudent, for I certainly ought by this time 
to have been able to send you, at least, something ; 
for I got the allowances of the acting adjutancy 
for eight mouths out of the ten in which I acted, 
after a reference to Government. . . . When I re- 
join my corps I shall be in the receipt of 600 Rs. 
per mensem, as the corps is at present in the field, 
out of which I shall at least be able to save 300 Rs. 
a-month, which is about £350 a-year. I am obliged 
to keep an additional horse and ofiice establishment 

* Goldsmid. 


and field-carriage, but 300 Rs. a-month will cer- 
tainly cover all expenses in the field, and 250 in 
garrison. The above 600 Rs. per mensem is the 
field-pay and allowances — the garrison is about 
400 Rs. per month ; so that in the field I shall 
save about 350" Rs. and in garrison about 150 Rs. 
a-month, which makes about £180 a-5^ear, — all of 
which is, of course, dedicated to you ; and much 
greater pleasure will spending it in this manner 
afi"ord me than if I was amassing riches upon riches 
on my own account." ^ His brother Frank was not 
backward in adding his own contribution to the 
maternal store. ^ 

By the time that James Outram rejoined his 
regiment in the Ahmadabad district, the little war 
in the corner of Western India was nearly at an 
end. He had not long resumed the duties of an 
adjutant when the regiment began its hot-weather 
march from Morasa to Rajkot, the capital of a 
small native state in Kathiawar. It was durino^ this 
march that Outram and his friend Lieutenant Ord 
were riding in rear of the column, when they set 
off in hot chase of a fine large hog. After a sharp 
burst of about a mile, the hog, says Ord, " took 
refuge in a large patch of cactus -bushes, out of 
which we found it impossible to dislodge him, 
though Outram in his eagerness dismounted, and 
did his best to make him bolt. From what I after- 
wards saw of hog-hunting I think it was as well 
. . . that he did not succeed,"^ seeing that the 
hunters were armed only with swords. 

At Rajkot hog-hunting, or "pig-sticking" as it 

1 Goldsmid, "^ Dictionary of National Biography. 

3 Goldsmid. 


was popularly called, became a weekly pastime with 
Outram and his brother officers. On such occasions 
Outram was pretty sure to be among the foremost 
in the chase and at the death. His small, spare 
figure — he was hardly yet five feet seven — gave 
him an advantage which his keen love of sport and 
his perfect fearlessness turned to the best account. 
Between 1822 and 1824 he appears from his own 
note-book to have won seventy -four first spears 
out of a total of 123 gained by a party of twelve. 
During the same period he killed four nilgai, two 
hyenas, one cheeta (leopard), and two wolves. 

Many years afterwards. Colonel Ord gave a 
spirited account of an adventure in which he, Out- 
ram, and Liddle had been concerned : " We started 
a sounder, Outram looking after one hog, and 
Liddle and myself after another. Outram soon lost 
sight of his in the thick jungle, but Liddle and I 
pursued our course. Soon we heard Outram gallop- 
ing up behind us ; we pushed on, hoping to get 
the spear before he came up. Most unfortunately 
there was a deep jungly ravine before us ; into that 
the hog dashed, and while we stopped on the brink, 
Outram rushed by us, and after flounderiug and 
rolling over several times, reached the bottom — a 
dry nullah. We thought that he must have been 
severely hurt, but not a bit : soon he was on his 
horse's back again, and after a long run he killed the 
boar, although he had only half a spear, the shaft 
having been broken in his descent down the ravine." 

Ord and Liddle then rode on into the jungle in 
quest of another boar. Seeing the grass moving 
in front of them, they at once set off in chase. 
Instead of a hog, they presently came upon two 


lions, who stopped for a moment to look at their 
pursuers, and then quietly walked away. " We 
followed their example," says Colonel Ord. " On 
rejoining Outram, and telling him what we had 
seen, he was anxious that we should again go in 
pursuit, but we resolutely declined." ^ 

If Waterloo was won, according to the Iron 
Duke, in the playing-fields of Eton, it may with 
equal truth be affirmed that Nimrods of young 
Outram's stamp are likely to make the most effi- 
cient soldiers. Even at this stage of his career, 
our sport-loving adjutant was winning high praise 
from his military chiefs for the smart appearance, 
perfect discipline, and skilful handling of a sepoy 
regiment on parade.^ 

In this connection I may quote some passages 
from a private letter written by Dr Henry Johnston, 
the surgeon in charge of a wing of Outram's regiment 
during the march from Kathiawar to Malegaon in 
1824. "He" (Outram) "was at that time adjutant 
of the regiment, and it will show the confidence 
that was thus early reposed in him that he should 
have been intrusted with such a command when 
he was only twenty-one years of age. The march 
was one of about 250 miles, through a fine country 
not wanting in game. The strict discipline main- 
tained by the young commanding officer did not 
allow of our interfering with it on the line of march. 
But after reaching our ground, encamping the men, 

1 Goldsmid. 

2 "In January 1824 he commanded the 1st Battalion of the 12th 
N. I. on its annual review, and was highly complimented by Colonel 
Turner, the reviewing officer, in Station Orders of the day." — Gold- 



and discussing a good breakfast iu the mess-tent, 
we generally sallied out in quest of game, and 
many a wild boar bit the dust on these occasions, 
Outram was always ready to join those under his 
command in the field-sports, of which indeed he 
was the great promoter, and in which he took more 
first spears than any other man. But this, so far 
from leading them to be lax in their duties, made 
every man try to do his best. Duty was always 
a labour of love with those under him, for he in- 
spired all who were capable of any elevation of 
feeling with some portion of his own ardour, and 
made all such willing assistants rather than mere 
j^erfunctory subordinates. Thus early did he show 
that wonderful tact of commanding, which few have 
possessed in such a high degree."^ 

In the spring of 1824 Outram's regiment found 
itself officially renumbered as the 23rd Native 
Infantry ; and he himself was presently transferred 
as adjutant to the 24th Native Infantry. The 
transfer, however, did not please him, and in Sep- 
tember he returned as adjutant to his old friends 
of the 23rd. Towards the close of 1824 Outram's 
craving for new adventures led him to volunteer 
for active service with the field-force then marching 
under Colonel Deacon against Kittt^ir, the chief 
town of a small native state, which had lapsed to 
the paramount power on the death of its heirless 
lord. A body of insurgents within the town had 
refused to open its gates to St John Thackeray, 
the chief revenue officer of that district. Thackeray 
himself was shot down under a flag of truce on 

^ Papers supplied by Sir Francis Outran), Bart. 


October 23, and the Bombay Government at once 
prepared to crush the incipient revolt.^ 

In the first days of December 1824 Deacon's 
column entered on the siege of Kittur, whose 
garrison surrendered on the 5th. Outram returned 
to Bombay with his brother Francis, who had served 
with credit as an Engineer officer during the siege. 
In the following February James Outram rejoined 
his regiment at Malegaon. 

^ The Thackerays in India. Sir W. Hunter. 




Hardly had Outram returned to Malegaoii when a 
new insurrection broke out in the western districts 
of Khandesh. In the course of March 1825 the 
insurgent leader and his 800 men had seized the 
hill-fortress of Malair, between Surat and Malegaon. 
From its battlements the flag of the discrowned 
Maratha Peshwa waved defiance to the Government 
of Bombay, On the morning of April 5 Outram 
received the order to march a small force of sepoys 
towards Malair. By sundown of that evening some 
200 sepoys of the 11th and 23rd Native Infantry 
set out from Malecjaon on their lona: ni2:ht-march 
towards the rebel stronghold. Their commander, 
Lieutenant Outram, accompanied by Mr Graham, 
the assistant -collector, followed a few hours later 
on an elephant. 

After covering thirty - seven miles in thirteen 
hours, the little force halted for rest and food at 
sunrise of the next morning, while Outram carefully 
reconnoitred the country round Malair. His plan 
of action was soon formed. Without waiting for the 
expected reinforcements, he resolved, with Graham's 
willing consent, to attack the fortress in front and 


rear before the enemy were aware of his intentions. 
At nightfall the sepoys began their forward march. 
As they neared the hill on which Malair was situ- 
ated, he directed Ensigns Whitmore and Paul to 
begin a false attack in front with 150 men, while he 
himself led the remainder of his sepoys round to the 
rear. While the rebels were engas^ed in meetino^ 
the front attack of a foe whose real strength they 
had no means of knowing, Outram dashed in upon 
them from behind. " The panic-stricken garrison," 
says a well-informed writer, *' fled with scarcely an 
attempt at resistance. And at the head of his 
reunited detachment, and some horsemen whom Mr 
Graham had in the meantime collected, Outram 
followed them up so closely that they could neither 
rally nor discover the w^eakness of their assailants. 
Their leader was cut down ; many of his adherents 
shared his fate ; and the rest made for the neigh- 
bouring hills, in a state of complete disorganisa- 

'' As the infantry had now marched upwards of 
fifty miles in little more than thirty - six hours, 
Outram found it necessary to halt them soon after 
dawn. But the horsemen continued the pursuit so 
far as the nature of the ground permitted ; scouts 
were despatched to ascertain the point of rendez- 
vous selected by the scattered foe, and at night 
the chase was resumed. The insurgents were a 
second time surprised ; many were slain ; numbers 
were taken prisoners ; and the rest, throwing down 
their arms, fled to their respective villages. A 
rebellion which had caused much anxiety to the 
authorities was thus promptly crushed ere the troops 
intended for its suppression had been put in motion. 


And the plunder of Antapor was restored to its 
lawful owners."^ 

For this bold exploit Outram and his brave 
companions received hearty thanks both from the 
Government and the Commander-in-Chief. Seldom 
has praise so unqualified been bestowed upon so 
young a soldier. From this time forth the young 
adjutant of sepoys ceased to serve as a regimental 

Mountstuart Elphinstone, the humane and able 
Governor of Bombay, had resolved to enter upon 
the difficult task of reclaiming the Bhil marauders 
of Khandesh from their old lawless habits and 
traditions to peaceful acquiescence in the rule of 
their new masters. In James Outram he had 
already discerned an agent specially qualified to 
carry out his views. On the 22nd April 1825 
Outram found himself placed at the disposal of the 
collector and political agent in Khandesh for the 
purpose of commanding a Bhil corps to be raised 
for police duties within that province. On resign- 
ing his adjutancy Lieutenant Outram received from 
his commanding officer, Colonel Deschamps, a public 
testimony, couched in glowing language, to the 

1 Services of Lieut.-Colonel Outram. Smith, Elder, & Co., 1853. 
In Outram's report to Captain Newton, Brigade-Major of Malegaon, 
he writes : " I have no copy of my instructions : they merely re- 
quired me to protect the town of Malair (situated two miles from 
the hill-fort) until the assembly of a force which was ordered to be 
in readiness to suppress the rebellion, consisting of a brigade of 
infantry from Surat (distance 120 miles), a battering - train, and 
infantry escort from Jaulnah (180 miles), and all the disposable 
troops under Major Rigby from Kokurmunda (50 miles), which 
latter did not arrive till three days afterwards, and the former, in 
consequence of my successful measures, were countermanded." — 
Outram Letters. 


share which he had borne in raising the reputation 
of the 23rd Native Infantry at army headquarters. 

Before entering on his new duties James Outram 
was detained at Malegaon by another of those 
severe attacks of fever which few men of less iron 
strength of purpose would probably have struggled 
through, " We learn," says Sir F. Goldsmid, " that 
even in his early days he formed the resolution to 
fight it out with the climate or die : to acclimatise 
himself by surmounting all the illnesses of Anglo- 
Indian existence, or succumb to one of them alto- 
gether. . . . He did fight it out, and, strange to 
say, illness after illness left him none the worse 
permanently; while the result of an unusually 
varied series of approaches to death's door was the 
establishment of a constitution of iron, proof against 
all influences, and proverbial in its marvellous 
capacity for endurance of deadly trials." 

The Bhils, among whom Outram was now to 
pursue his beneficent labours, were an old non- 
Aryan race who had roamed for centuries among 
the hills and jungles of Northern and Western 
Khandesh, living by the chase and by frequent 
raids upon peaceful villages in the plains. For 
long years of Mughal and Maratha rule their hands 
had been against every man, while every man's 
hand had been against them. For some years after 
the annexation of Khandesh our own functionaries 
had treated these wild people almost as ruthlessly 
as the Peshwa's officers had been wont to do. 
But Elphinstone was bent on trying the kindlier 
methods which Cleveland, half a centurj'- earlier, 
had applied so successfully to the Santhal savages 
of Lower Bengal. In furtherance of his far-seeing 


purpose he devised two schemes — one for establish- 
ing agricultural colonies of Bhils ; the other for 
organising a battalion of Bhil soldiers, to be armed 
and disciplined like regiments of the line, and 
commanded by a British officer.^ For the carrying 
out of this twofold experiment no fitter instruments 
could have been selected than Captain Ovans and 
Lieutenant Outram. 

Despite the warnings and remonstrances of well- 
meaning friends, Outram eagerly accepted Elphin- 
stone's offer, and before the middle of May threw 
himself with his wonted ardour into the hazardous 
duties of his new career. Failing in his first 
attempts to negotiate with the robber tribes, 
Outram resolved to strike a wholesome terror 
among them by a sudden invasion of their moun- 
tain haunts. A native officer of his old regiment 
had been posted with thirty men at Jatigaon, on 
the Western Ghats, some thirty miles from Male- 
gaon. "The native officer," to use Outram's own 
words, " ignorant that, being now on staff employ, 
I no longer had any authority in the regiment, at 
once obeyed my orders to have all his disposable 
men in readiness for a march after nightfall. When 
I marched, in the guidance of a spy I had taken up 
with me, on the strong position in the heart of the 
mountains, which, I had been informed, was then 
occupied by the united tribes, who had just as- 
sembled in great numbers for the purpose of under- 
taking some enterprise. My detachment consisted 
of only thirty bayonets, but I calculated on effect- 
ually surprising the rebels from so unexpected a 
quarter and on coming upon them before daybreak, 

^ Services of Lieut.-Colouel Outram. 


when, unable to observe the weakness of their 
assailants, I had little doubt they would disperse in 

The result fulfilled his most sanguine expecta- 
tions. " On the first alarm that the red-coats were 
upon them, which was given by the scouts, while 
we were yet too far off" to attack eff'ectually, the 
whole body fled panic - struck, scattering in every 
direction, and leaving their women, children, and 
wretched property at our mercy. I then separated 
my small party into threes and fours, with orders to 
pursue while any Bhils were to be seen, and then to 
rendezvous at the Bhil Hatti (encampment), search- 
ing the ravines on their return. Seeing the red- 
coats in so many diff^erent quarters, the eff"ect of 
which was increased by hearing their musketry in 
such opposite directions, confirmed the idea of the 
enemy that the whole British force was upon them, 
and prevented any attempt to rally — and their dis- 
persion was complete. Two of the Bhils were killed 
in the pursuit, many others supposed to be wounded, 
and almost all their families remained in my power. 
Having, the evening before, sent information to 
Major Deschamps of my intended attempt, he was 
induced to co-operate, and the troops from below 
soon afterwards joined me. 

"The Bhils were so hotly pursued for some days 
that they could not reassemble, and their haunts 
being then occupied by our troops, their power was 
so completely broken that I was then enabled to 
commence operations, and laid the foundation of the 
corps through the medium of my captives, some of 
whom were released to bring in the relatives of the 
rest, on the pledge that then all should be set at 


liberty. I thus effected an intercourse with some of 
the leading Naiks ; went alone with them into their 
jungles ; gained their confidence by living unguarded 
among them, and hunting with them, until at last I 
persuaded five of the most adventurous to risk their 
fortunes with me, which small beginning I con- 
sidered ensured ultimate success."^ 

Outram's power of becoming all things to all men 
was steadily winning these reckless caterans into the 
path of cheerful submission to the demands of civil- 
ised rule. The vitter fearlessness with which he 
threw himself, unarmed and unattended, amongst 
his recent foes, listening to their talk, sharing in 
all their sports and pastimes, accepting and return- 
ing their rude hospitalities, and proving his prowess 
in hunting tigers and other large game, gradually 
disarmed them of all their old suspicions, and led 
them at last to join heartily in the civilising work 
which their new masters were bent on carrying 

Within two months after his daring night-march 
Outram had secured twenty - five recruits for his 
future battalion. By the beginning of September 
their number had increased to ninety-two. In spite 
of passing checks and misunderstandings, the new 
levies amounted to 134 on the 1st January 1826. 
By that time the Bhil corps was encamped a few 
miles from Malegfion, whence Outram was awaiting 
the arrival of their arms. The new recruits had 
taken kindly to their drill some months before, 
submitting to it, writes Outram to his new chief, 
Colonel Robertson the Collector, "w^ith as much 

' Uutraui Letters. 

* Services of Lieut.-Colonel Outram. Outram Letters. 


readiness, and paying as much attention, as recruits 
of the line." 

A few weeks earlier, Outram's ready tact and fore- 
sight had carried his new levies safely among the 
pitfalls which beset their progress along ways un- 
trodden hitherto by a Bhil foot. One day in Nov- 
ember a detachment of regular sepoys had reached 
Outram's headquarters at Dharangaon. "Notwith- 
standing the pains I had taken," he writes to Colonel 
Robertson, " to prepare the Bhlls to receive them 
without distrust, I had not succeeded so completely 
as I wished. I, however, affected that end by send- 
ing away all the arms of the detachment, and giving 
the Bhils to understand that they and the regulars 
should be armed at the same time. In the course 
of a very few days, what I had expected from my 
knowledge of the character and respectability of the 
men I had selected from the line, was fully effected ; 
the regulars obtained the entire confidence of the 
Bhils by their conciliatory conduct towards them ; 
and these high-caste men associating without scruple 
with the Bhils has the happiest effect ; they begin 
to rise in self-esteem, and feel proud of the service 
which places them on an equality with the highest 

The reception of these new-comers in the follow- 
ing month by the men of Outram's old regiment 
at Malegaon justified their leader's fondest wishes. 
" Not only," he adds, " were the Bhils received by 
the men of that regiment without insulting scoffs, 
but they were even received as friends, and with 
the greatest kindness invited to sit down among 
them, fed by them, and talked to by high and low, 
as on an equality from being brother soldiers. . . . 


The Bhils returned quite delighted and flattered by 
their reception, and entreated me to allow them no 
rest from drill until they became equal to their 
brother soldiers." 

To this happy state of things his old comrade, 
Captain Douglas Graham, bears pointed testimony : 
*' Men of the hic^hest caste behaved in a manner 
most flattering to the feelings of the mountaineers, 
visiting and presenting them with betel-nut, to the 
no small amazement of the guests, and to the 
gratification of Government, who complimented the 
regiment on their conduct." 

By the end of June 1826 the new barracks, built 
by Outram's orders with the aid of his own men, 
contained 308 Bhil recruits, eager not only to learn 
their drill but to discharge the duties of an armed 
police, even against ofl"enders of their own tribe. 
During the past two months not a single complaint 
had been brought against them by the neighbouring 
villagers. " Their abstinence from spirituous liquors, 
which they are not allowed to touch except on par- 
ticular holidays," writes Outram in July, " is the 
greatest proof of the success with which my 
endeavours to improve them have been attended, 
and the very quiet and orderly conduct of such a 
large assembly of Bhils at so early a stage of the 
measure is surprising." 

They had already begun to feel themselves at 
home in their new surroundings. " All who can 
aff"ord it have purchased grinding-stones, and other 
domestic utensils ; they have assembled their women 
and children, and are exceedingly comfortable in 
every respect, fully sensible of the advantages of 


their present situation, and convinced of our sincerity 
in promoting their permanent welfare." ^ 

So marked was the progress made by the new 
corps in all soldierly requirements that Outram, at 
the special request of Mr J. Bax, Robertson's 
successor in the civil charge of the province, gladly 
supplied him in December of that year with a party 
of his Bhils for escort duty during his cold-weather 
tour. " I am also indebted," he adds in the same 
letter, " to Captain Ovans, who has offered to 
employ a guard of Bhils as his personal escort 
instead of regulars. I am most happy to supply it ; 
nothing can be more beneficial to the corps than 
these instances of our confidence in it." He also 
assures Mr Bax that " the corps is ready to act in a 
body or in detachments against any assembly of out- 
laws or rebels, and, I will answer for it, is quite 
sufiicient in itself for the suppression of any 
assembly of Bhils, however strong, that can come 
together within the limits of this province. 

"The Bhil corps, I trust, would also prove of 
great assistance to the line, in operations against a 
more formidable enemy, should opportunity offer in 
the neighbourhood of this province." 

Thus, within twenty months from the date of his 
opening move against the Bhils, had James Outram 
wrought something like a miracle of moral and social 
regeneration among the long-outlawed highlanders 
of the Khandesh border. 

A few months later, in April 1827, "the first 
opportunity," says Mr Bax, "was offered to these 
reformed Bhils of shedding their blood for their new 

^ Outram Letters. 


masters ; and they freely risked it, and fought boldly, 
though opposed to their own caste, and probably 
relations." For his success in routing a large body 
of insurgent Bhils by a small detachment of his 
own men, Outram and his little band received 
the heartiest thanks and praises of the Bombay 

In the following September the new corps, then 
mustering 600 strong, was reviewed by Brigadier 
Campbell, who reported to his Commander-in-Chief 
that their performances would " claim a favourable 
comparison with many of the best native regiments 
of the line." As a reward for their high efficiency 
they were now intrusted with a large share in the 
duties hitherto reserved for regular troops. " In 
the course of two years," wrote Captain Outram in 
1833, "the corps was completely organised, and so 
far exceeded our hopes in good conduct and dis- 
cipline that it was placed in important trusts 
throughout the province, relieving outposts of the 
regulars, protecting treasure, guarding prisoners, 
attacking insurgents, &c., &c., which it has per- 
formed to the present day without a single instance 
of infidelity or relaxed vigilance, though greatly 
harassed by hard duty; three -fourths being con- 
stantly detached, while the remainder are required 
to act on every emergency of disturbance or insurrec- 
tion in the wild countries beyond our borders." 

All this, as Outram went on to show, had been 
accomplished with a very large saving of expense to 
the Government. "Beyond this," he added, "the 
Bhil corps is also the chief police of the district, — its 
influence and power over every clan of Khandesh 
Bhils, every family of which has a relation or con- 


nection in the corps, effectually controls the whole — 
hitherto untamable class. They can no longer as 
formerly unite in insurrection, and when individuals 
offend against our laws they can never elude their 
comrades in our service : the village Bhils are now 
compelled to do their duty as watchmen, &c., and 
the whole body throughout the province is, in fact, 
united to Government through the link of the corps, 
and they who were formerly its scourge are now its 
protectors. At the same time a large body of Bhils 
have, through the exertions of the southern Bhil 
agent, been established in colonies and turned to 
good husbandmen. . . . The tranquillity of an 
immense province is secured, which hitherto no 
military force or expenditure of money could main- 
tain ; and an efficient body of troops and admirable 
police is gained." 

As early, indeed, as 1828, the fourth year of 
Outram's mission, Mr Giberne, the new Collector of 
Khandesh, was able to report that for the first time 
in twenty years the province had enjoyed six months 
of uninterrupted repose. Meanwhile the new 
Governor of Bombay, Sir John Malcolm, had issued 
a general order congratulating Outram on his 
achievement of a task "which could only have 
been brought to its present successful result by a 
peculiar combination of firmness and kindness of 
temper, and perseverance on the part of the officer 
to whom so important and delicate a charge was 

More than once in the course of that year, 1828, 
Mrs Outram had written to her son inquiring 
anxiously about his health, and entreating him to 
avoid unnecessary risks from tigers and other wild 


beasts of prey. AVriting in September, Outram 
assures his mother that there is no danger in hunt- 
ing tigers from the top of an elephant. "It is as 
safe as firing at the monsters from the top of a 
tower. If I may have been carried away by en- 
thusiasm occasionally to expose myself unneces- 
sarily, believe me I shall bear your advice and ad- 
monitions in mind, and abstain for the future : in 
my situation a little daring was necessary to obtain 
the requisite influence over the minds of the raw 
irregular people I command ; and if ever you hear 
of any act of temerity I may have hitherto been 
guilt}^ of, do not condemn me as unmindful of what 
I owe to you and our family, but attribute it to 
having been a part of my peculiar duty, and the 
necessity for a recurrence of such duties as now at 
an end." 

As for boar-hunting, he had not chased such an 
animal for three years, " there being none — at least 
to be got at — in Khandesh." His rides are now 
along good roads, and the opportunities for tiger- 
hunting are daily decreasing with a rapid dimin- 
ution in the number of those beasts. " Again, you 
ought," he adds, "to be very easy on the score of 
my health. I am now so inured to the climate that 
it has become natural to me, and I have no doubt 
my life is as good in this country as it would be 
in India. ... I never in my life felt better or 
stronger in constitution than I do now. Such 
being the case, I trust you will no longer conjure 
up dangers which can only exist in your imagin- 

In the same letter he tries to allay his mother's 
anxiety on the question of his coming home. His 


brother Frank, who is quite recovered from his ill- 
ness, will be the first to go home on leave. " Now, 
I think as Frank is going home now, it would be 
better, even were my interests not likely to be in- 
jured by return, for your sake that I should wait 
till his return, in order that you may always have 
to look forward to seeing one or other of us at short 
intervals — whereas were we both to return together 
you could not see either again for ten or twelve 
years ; now, if I return to England a year after 
Frank comes back, I would stay with you three 
years, and in three or four years afterwards Frank 
would be with you again. Do not think me selfish 
in not stretching a point to please you." ^ 

Poor Frank's dream of a speedy reunion with the 
dear ones at home was cut short by his untimely 
death during the delirium of fever in September 
1829. His sister Margaret was even then on her 
way out to India as the destined wife of Colonel 
Farquharson, a distinguished officer in the Bombay 
army. Hardly had James Outram congratulated 
Farc|uharson upon his approaching marriage, when 
he had to write again on October 2 about " the 
dreadful tidings " which had reached him the day 
before at Dharangaon. " Do not be alarmed on my 
account. I have been too long accustomed to see 
my dearest friends suddenly snatched away to allow 
myself to be overcome by unmanly weakness. A 
man with friends in India ought always to be pre- 
pared for such dreadful shocks, and ought always 
to consider that it may too soon be his own fate. 
Poor Frank was the most generous, noble-minded 
man I ever knew — he never did an unjust or a mean 

1 Outram Letters. 


thing, — surely God Almighty in His great mercy 
will forgive his failings, and poor Frank, I trust, is 
now happy : the confidence that he must be so is a 
great consolation to me, 

" Poor fellow ! I had a letter from him a few days 
before he died, in which he said he had been unwell, 
but was then better ; that he intended being in 
Bombay next month, and after seeing Margaret 
happily settled, to go home with Burrows over- 

James Outram's grief on this occasion was inten- 
sified by much anxiety upon his mother's account. 
How was the sad news to be broken to her, and in 
what spirit would she bear so cruel a loss ? It was 
not until December of that year that he could bring 
himself to write directly to her on a topic nearest 
the hearts of both. " You have, I trust, ere now, 
my dear mother, become resigned to the will of 
Heaven, which has deprived you of a beloved son ; 
if you can bring yourself, as you ought to do, to 
throw off all selfish feelings, you would the rather 
rejoice that poor Frank has been removed from a 
world in which he never could have met with en- 
joyment. Frank is now happy, and rejoices at the 
change : we ought to thank God that he is so. 

" The poor fellow had long been very ill, which 
he concealed from me ; but I was pre23ared to ex- 
pect the melancholy event from a knowledge of his 
weakly constitution, which had been dreadfully 
impaired by an attack of cholera two years ago, 
and which I well knew could not withstand a fever. 

" Turn your thoughts from such melancholy sub- 
jects and look forward cheerfully to the future. 
Why should we indulge ambitious projects or selfish 


considerations, when we are so likely to be so soon 
removed from this paltry earth ? " 

Writing again on Christmas Day, he tells his 
mother that "Margaret was yesterday married to 
a man who is esteemed by all who know him, and 
I am sure that they will be most happy in each 
other. They will stay about three years in India, 
and then return to Europe, to pass the remainder 
of their lives in easy circumstances." 

By James Outram's expressed desire, the whole 
of his brother's property was made over to his 
mother. Frank's grave at Baroda was presently 
marked by a stone, upon which his brother, heartily 
detesting the fulsome epitaphs too often written 
" by those who despised the person when living," 
proposed to inscribe these simple words : — 






^ Outram Papers. In point of fact, Francis Outram must have 
been nearly twenty-eight at the time of his death. 





In the spring of 1830 the Bhil corps had an oppor- 
tunity of proving its soldiership in the field ; and 
it did so in a manner which surpassed the expecta- 
tions even of its warmest friends. Dang; was the 
name given to a strong mountainous and jungly 
region which lies between Khandesh and the Surat 
districts, and was then peopled by a wild, and 
hitherto unsubdued race of Bhils, who frequently 
raided into British ground. Fully aware of the 
risks involved in any attempt to invade this wild 
unknown country, Lieutenant Outram obtained per- 
mission to lead a force into the Dang. On April 4 
Outram began his march at the head of his own 
Bhils, two companies of regular sepoys, a squadron 
of Poona Horse, and a body of Bhil auxiliaries. 
From the Surat side a few detachments of native 
infantry moved forward on the same day to act in 
concert with the main body. 

"The Dang," writes Mr Giberne, "was a country 
altogether unknown. You could look down upon it 
from the western hills of Khandesh ; and of all 
places I ever beheld, it appeared the most unin- 


viting — generally, it was covered with jungle ; its 
atmosphere was malaria ; and the worst of fevers 
attacked all intruders. The natives, police and 
others, were always afraid of going near it, and 
they fancied, I believe, it was inhabited by demons. 
I remember, on looking down upon it from a lofty 
hill, it appeared to me as the unexplored portions 
of the world must have presented themselves to the 
early navigators." Outram, however, was equal to 
the occasion. He had once told Giberne " that in 
riding along by himself he always took note of the 
country around, and worked out in his own mind its 
capabilities, advantages, and disadvantages for at- 
tacking an enemy or defending it against one." He 
was, in fact, a born scout, under whose leadership 
no enterprise, however difficult, could altogether 

In less than a month all the rajahs of the Dang 
were either captured or hemmed in beyond hope of 
resistance, their followers subdued, and their whole 
country explored. " You will be happy to learn," 
writes Outram to Farquharson on May 5, " that we 
more than exceeded the most sanguine hopes of 
Government by our complete success, though we 
ourselves were miserably disappointed by such an 
inglorious expedition : the Government is better 
pleased that the matter has been settled without 

If the matter was settled without bloodshed, it 
was not to be settled without heavy costs in bodily 
suffering. The climate, in fact, claimed many more 
victims than the spears and arrows of the frightened 
foe. At one time or another almost every man in 
Outram's force was stricken with jungle fever, ex- 


cept their leader himself, who made a point of 
wrapping his head and face with fine gauze when- 
ever he lay down to sleep. Of the thirteen officers 
under his command not one escaped the fever ; 
three or four dying, while the rest had to take sick- 
leave to Europe, the Cape, or the nearest hill- 
stations in Southern India. ^ By the last week of 
May the field -force was broken up, and Outram 
marched back with his Bhils to their cantonments 
in Khandesh. It goes without saying that he re- 
ceived the heartiest thanks and praises from Mal- 
colm's Government for the thoroughness with which 
he had accomplished the task of no common diffi- 
culty and danger. 

In January 1831 Outram writes to his mother: 
" I have been very unfortunate in my promotion — 
most of my contemporaries have been promoted 
three or four years — upwards of fifty have super- 
seded me. I am, of course, as usual in rude health, 
and successful in what I undertake — no opportunity 
of anything new in the latter way lately." 

The next opportunity came in the hot weather of 
that year, when he was directed to inquire into 
certain gang robberies, and other outrages lately 
committed in the north-eastern districts of Khan- 
desh, and to seize as many as possible of the 
offenders. In the course of a month, with the aid 
of less than 50 Bhils and native horse, he carried 
off 469 suspected persons, of whom 158 were com- 
mitted for trial. Of these latter all but eight were 
convicted and punished — so clear was the evidence 
of their guilt. 

A few months earlier, in March 1831, another 

1 Services, &c. 


shadow had been cast upon Outram's life by the 
death of his sister, Margaret Farquharson, a little 
more than two years after her marriage. She had 
been, as he wrote to her sorrowing husband, " the 
warmest and most excellent friend " he possessed on 
earth, and the most affectionate of sisters.^ A little 
later in the same year he had learned from Glasgow 
the death of his uncle, Joseph Outram. "All, all 
are failing," he writes to Farquharson ; " I shall 
have no relations left to welcome me home, if I 
ever can return." 

By this time James Outram had begun to find a 
new vent for his abounding energies, and perhaps a 
timely solace for private cares, in the shape of 
letters to the newspapers, and lengthier essays in 
local magazines. One of the topics on which he 
wrote most feelingly was the proper treatment of 
the sepoy, whose white officers were prone to regard 
him merely as so much clay in the hands of that 
masterful potter the drill-sergeant. On behalf of 
the *' obedient, warm-hearted, and brave sepoy " he 
pleaded for a system of kindly treatment, tempered 
by all needful strictness, in preference to one of 
" constant worry, dress, and drill, which, I think, 
pretty generally prevails at present." 

He asserts from his own experience that " instead 
of drilling twice a-day under a strict disciplinarian 
who attends to little else, an equal proficiency will 
be observed in those corps where officers and men 
are united by regard, though paraded only three 
times a-week ; for in the latter case the men exert 
themselves, in the former they are but heartlessly 

1 Goldamid. 


He holds that an adjutant should not be allowed to 
meddle with the internal management of any com- 
pany which he does not himself command. And he 
proceeds to ask " whether it is necessary or wise to 
persevere in the flogging system, — whether it would 
not be more politic to permit sepo3^s to leave the 
service when they solicit discharge on reasonable 
grounds, than retain against their will men thus 
rendered discontented, when there are now such 
numerous candidates for vacancies, this also causing 
a considerable saving to Government in the w^ay of 
pensions. Whether by thus rendering the service 
more popular, and available to persons of family and 
character, w^ho are now deterred from enlisting by 
the fear of degradation and difficulty of obtaining 
discharge, this sole support of our power would not 
be rendered more attached and secure." 

On the love of sport as the best of all training 
for a true soldier he dilated with honest enthusiasm 
in another letter bearing the signature of " Rough 
and Ready." " I have been taught from boyhood 
the love of sport, and since I came into the military 
services of India I have had the good fortune to 
be commanded by officers who considered that the 
pursuit of sport off duty by no means incapacitated 
for duty. ... At first I suffered much from the 
climate, but by a steady perseverance in exposure 
to the sun, rain, and every vicissitude of climate, 
I am now able to stand anything and everything 
in the shape of fatigue or exposure. . . . AVlien I 
first entered the service, a few hours' march in 
the morning totally unfitted me for every exertion 
mentally or bodily for the rest of the day. I am 
now as ready for any duty or pleasure after grilling 


all day in the sun as I formerly was when I rose 
from my bed ; whereas I find my contemporaries, 
who have passed a sedentary or what is called a 
prudent life, gradually decreasing in energy, and 
fast approaching a premature old age. Sport — sport 
— is the burden of my song. You cannot, Mr 
Editor, inculcate too zealously the advantages of 
the pursuit of sporting to a young soldier. Love 
of sport makes the man, and love of sport never 
fails to make the soldier. 

" I am surprised that the qualifications of a sports- 
man are not insisted on to perfect an oflicer, and 
that the superiority of such a man as a soldier to 
one who is no sportsman, a mollycoddle, is not 
more frequently advanced, and emulation for sport 
more encouraged by those who have the welfare 
of young officers, and the good of the army at 
heart." ^ ' 

In April 1832 Outram had begun to feel a natural 
craving for fresh achievements in a wider field. 
" It is now high time," he writes to his mother, 
" that I should have further scope for exertion, my 
duties in Khandesh having been entirely executed, 
and nothing further remaining for me to do. This 
most unruly of all our provinces is now enjoying 
the most profound peace, which can never again 
be disturbed by the wild Bhil clans — all of which 
are now the most peaceable of our subjects, whose 
reform cannot retrograde, in consequence of the 
sure hold we have obtained over them through the 
attachment of their comrades now enrolled in our 
service ; whilst all the wild clans of the fastnesses 
beyond our frontier have been subdued by me, and 

1 Outram Papers. 


never will dare again to resist their brethren, who 
are organised in my corps. There is nothing 
further left for me to do, and no higher can I rise 
in my present line except in the slow progress of 
promotion in the army. I am therefore anxious 
to have an opportunity of acting in a more extended 
sphere, and in the only line in the Indian services 
which allows a military officer to display his talents 
both civil and military. I mean the political." 

There was need, however, for his further presence 
in Khandesh. In May of the following year 
Captain Outram — he had gained his promotion in 
the previous October — was called upon to quell a 
dano^erous rising^ amoncj the Bhils in the mountains 
that enclose the Narbada valley. At the head of a 
force composed of his own Bhils, a few companies 
of Bengal sepoys from Mhow, and of Bombay 
sepoys from Malegaon, he drove the enemy from 
their mountain fastnesses, chased them across the 
Narbada, compelled their speedy submission, and 
captured their chief. So prompt had been his move- 
ments, that before the end of June the Bombay 
Government proclaimed their high sense of " his 
ability and judgment in concerting — and of his 
zeal and activity in executing — those measures by 
which the insurrection has been suppressed, and the 
neighbouring parts of the province of Khandesh 
preserved from plunder." ^ 

In November of that year, 1833, Outram writes 
again to his mother, begging her to enlist the sup- 
port of friends at home in his schemes for obtaining 
political employment in the North-West Provinces, 
which were about to be placed under the able ruler- 

^ Services, &c. 


ship of Sir Charles Metcalfe. " There is no further 
honour and advancement to be obtained for me 
here in this confined sphere. . . . There is no open- 
ing whatever in this presidency. In the new one, 
surrounded by independent states, glory and honour 
alone can be obtained : a man once placed there is 
sure to rise if he deserves to do so, and could / 
be so placed I think I would not disappoint your 
wishes." In India he felt that he could ensure 
success, " having gained some little distinction and 
many friends in power — therefore get me home 
patronage, and I will do the rest." 

Mrs Outram did her best in furtherance of her 
son's appeal. But for all his avowed admiration of 
Outram's work among the Bhils, Mountstuart Elphin- 
stone felt himself debarred for various reasons from 
complying with Mrs Outram's request. *' I make 
no doubt," he writes, "that Sir Charles Metcalfe 
is already well acquainted with Mr Outram's merits, 
and he is a great deal more likely to employ him 
from his own impression of his fitness than in 
consecjuence of any recommendation that could be 
sent from Eno;land." 

Outram therefore was fain for some time longer 
to discharge the ordinary duties of a post that 
still called for much continuous work. These 
duties, indeed, were neither few nor trivial. Be- 
sides the task of maintaining a strong and efficient 
Bhil corps, he was intrusted with the command 
of a body of Poona Horse, then stationed in Khan- 
desh. His magisterial duties took up no little of 
his time ; to his Bhil agency had been added the 
duties of an agent for the suppression of Thuggi ; 
while his presence was required and his influence 


exerted not only within the province, but often 
far beyond its limits.^ 

Meanwhile he found leisure to inveigh through 
the local newspapers against some crying defects 
and abuses in the administration of Bombay. He 
deplored, for instance, the frequent shifting of civil 
officers in Khandesh. " Since we took possession of 
Khandesh in 1819," he writes in 1834, "we have 
had five different Collectors, besides interregnums of 
Acting Collectors, giving an average of three years 
each, which is barely sufficient time to bring them 
fully acquainted with the nature and resources of 
the province ; and no sooner do their measures for 
the improvement of the country begin to take effect, 
and the natives to look up to their Collector with 
confidence and love, than he is removed to a higher 
collectorate, and the last-made Collector is sent to 
practise new theories which may have been formed 
from experience in Guzerat and quite inapplicable 
here, or perhaps to commence his revenue education, 
having hitherto served solely in the judicial or any 
other line." 

He was also justly indignant at the hardships 
endured by hundreds of native witnesses summoned 
from time to time before the Sadr, or principal 
judge of Khandesh. On one particular occasion 220 
native peasants assembled at Dulia in July 1834. 
The judge's personal convenience required an ad- 
journment sine die, and the poor men were ordered 
to reappear by the 20th of August. Many of them 
were thus compelled to "travel upwards of 300 
miles without compensation, and all to leave their 

^ Services, &c. 


homes and their farms at a season when their 
presence was most required, 

" At Diilia they still remain [September 13] await- 
ing the convenience of the judge, ivho has not yet 
made his appearance, and after whose arrival most 
will be condemned to at least a month's furthe^^ 
banishment from their families, thus losing the 
whole season for sowing their crops and providing 
maintenance for the ensuing year." ^ 

Outram's yearning for new fields of active enter- 
prise was at last to be gratified in the following 
year. Writing from Mandlesar, on the right bank 
of the Narbada, in March 1835, he tells his mother 
that he has been travelling for the last six weeks 
in Malwa and Nimar with his kind friend Mr Bax, 
the Eesident of Indore. " I wish," he adds, " I 
had the talent of description to make you acquainted 
with all I have seen of native courts, and admired 
of Indian scenery during my tour, which has been 
a remarkably pleasant one." 

A few weeks after his return to Khandesh the 
Government consulted him on the aff'airs of the 
neighbouring province of Guzerat, with special 
reference to the troubles that seemed impending 
among the small native chiefships of the Mahi 
Kanta. After due inquiry and much pondering, 
Captain Outram drew up a full and weighty report, 
in which he avowed his firm conviction that peace 
and order could not be established in the Mahi 
Kanta until the unruly clans in that region were 
thoroughly subdued, and their chiefs duly punished 
for their resistance to British arms. 

1 Outram Papei's. 


The Bombay Government lost no time in acting 
upon the advice thus given by an officer of Outram's 
acknowledged worth. His official report had been 
forwarded from Baroda on November 14. A few 
days later, Sir John Keane, the Commander-in-Chief 
at Bombay, offered him the command of the troops 
then about to assemble for a campaign in the Mahi 
Kanta. With the same generosity which was to 
mark his conduct at a more conspicuous stage of his 
career, he declined an offer which involved a seem- 
ing injustice to the claims of Captain Forbes, an 
officer of much higher standing in the army, who 
had lonsf been intrusted with the defence of the 
Mahi Kanta frontier. At the same time, he would 
gladly render all possible assistance in the task 
which his senior officer would be the better quali- 
fied to carry through. "His be the honour of 
success," he wrote ; " mine be the blame of defeat 
to measures of which I am the proposer." 

The authorities, however, declined to take James 
Outram at his own valuing. Sir John Keane 
warmly complimented him on his readiness to serve 
under another, but went on to assure him that 
no question of seniority would be involved in the 
service for which he was now designed. " His 
Excellency highly approves of what he understands 
to be the intention of Government — namely, to 
invest you with civil and political powers, which 
will render you independent of the authority of 
senior officers ; and the military, of whatever rank, 
must take their directions generally from you. 
This is according to precedent and Indian usage." ^ 
Before the close of September 1835 Outram had 

^ Outram Letters. 


held his last parade of the Bhil corps, then muster- 
ing 900 strong. The command of the regiment, 
which he had raised in ten years to the highest 
level of discipline, was handed over to his old friend 
Captain Douglas Graham, under whom it continued 
to maintain its former reputation, and became the 
model on which many other corps have since been 
organised in India/ 

To this day Outram's memory is still revered by 
the children of the men who under his guidance 
learned to exchange their old lawless freedom for 
the blessings of peace and order under a civilised 

In the last week of November Outram- arrived in 
Bombay after a long and arduous tour of inquiry 
throughout Guzerat. He had come thither for the 
twofold purpose of conferring with the Governor, 
Sir Robert Grant, on the policy to be pursued in 
the Mahi Kanta, and of meeting the lady who was 
about to become his wife. For some time past he 
had been engaged to his cousin, Margaret Anderson, 
daughter of James Anderson, of Bridgend, Brechin, 
Forfarshire, and the ship that bore her was now 
daily expected in Bombay. The first meeting with 
his betrothed took place before the middle of De- 
cember, and on the 18th the two became man and 

After a fortnight of wedded happiness came the 
longer separation demanded by the call of urgent 

^ Services of Lieut.-Colonel Outram. 

^ " Not many years ago some of his old sepoys happened to light 
upon an iigly little image. Tracing in it a fancied resemblance to 
their old commandant, they forthwith set it up and worshipped it as 
* Outram Sahib.' "— Goldsmid. 


public duty. Leaving his wife to the care of trusty 
friends in Bombay, Outram hastened in January 
183G to Ahmadabad, where the Assistant Commis- 
sioner, Arthur Malet, acquainted him with the final 
orders received from Bombay touching the best 
mode of dealing with the troubles in Mahi Kanta. 
The tenor of these orders was not exactly to Out- 
ram's taste. Sir Robert Grant was a peace-loving 
doctrinaire, who held that the lenient policy which 
had answered so well in Kathiawar could be applied 
with equal success to a tract of country peopled by 
insurgents of a very different type. Outram, on 
the other hand, could see the difference between 
the two cases. He, too, was all in favour of con- 
ciliation and redress of grievances at the proper 
moment ; but that moment, he rightly argued, had 
not yet come. He believed, wrote Sir John Kaye, 
" that men are never in a better mood to listen to 
your reason, and to appreciate your kindness, than 
after you have well beaten them. Demonstrate 
your power over them, and they will respect your 
moderation, and appreciate your clemency." ^ 

Outram protested against the folly of weakening 
our garrisons along a disturbed frontier at the very 
moment when more trooj)s might be needed for its 
])acification. True to the old Virgilian precept, 
" Parcere subjcctis et debellare superbos," he would 
begin by subduing the proud before proceeding to 
spare the humbled. After a vain attempt to bring 
one of the insurgent leaders to reason by means of 
repeated warnings, he proclaimed Suraj Mall an 
outlaw, and called upon Captain Forbes to aid him 
in coercing that contumacious chief. They hunted 

* Cornhill Magazine, January 1861. 


their enemy from point to point, invaded the moun- 
tain fastnesses of his friends, and, in Kaye's words, 
" made the British bayonets glitter in recesses 
which were held to be impenetrable by our arms." 

AVhile Grant was shakino; his head over his 
agent's high-handed doings, the vanquished rebel 
was suing for the mercy which his conqueror could 
now afford to show. The offers and promises which 
Suraj Mall had once scorned as a sign of weak- 
ness, he now gratefully accepted as proofs of the 
victor's generosity. His brother chiefs were not 
slow to profit by the experience of their humbled 

Conscious of well deserving, Outram winced under 
the qualified praise at first accorded him hj a Gov- 
ernment which seemed to value the letter more than 
the spirit of their injunctions. The agent of their 
choosing had done all that became a man ; but why 
had he ventured of his own authority to make an 
outlaw of a refractory chief ? His manly appeal to 
Bombay for fairer treatment was seconded by his 
friend the Commissioner of Guzerat with arguments 
so convincing that the Governor felt constrained to 
issue an amended despatch, in which Captain Out- 
ram received full credit for acting up to the spirit 
of his instructions. The Government begged to 
assure Captain Outram that further information 
induced them to qualify materially their previous 
opinions regarding the outlawry of Suraj Mall, and 
they acknowledged the "remarkable" success with 
which he had won the confidence of his defeated 
foe. " Still more remarkable," they added, was 
the impression which his combination of bold and 

1 Services, &c. 


pacific measures had " produced on the minds of 
the people in general." ^ 

Thus within four months from his return to 
Ahmadabad Outram's mingled tact and energy had 
wellnigh stamped out the smouldering mischief 
which Sir R. Grant's rose-water policy would only 
have worse inflamed. 

' Services, &c. 




It was not until May 26, 1836, that Outram found 
leisure for writing to his mother about the events 
of the past five months. *' Margaret has, doubtless, 
kept you informed of how I have been employed on 
very harassing and unpleasant duties in a new 
quarter — viz., the north-western corner of Guzerat. 
I am gradually and slowly succeeding in pacifying 
the country, but I fear tranquillity never will be 
permanently secured until an example has been 
made of one or two of the turbulent leaders." Al- 
though he felt highly flattered by his selection for 
the post he now held, he was not exultant over 
" the change from an agreeable duty to a very 
arduous and unpleasant one — from a climate and 
country to which I am accustomed, to Guzerat, 
which I never liked — and from old friends and the 
Bhils, to whom I had become sincerely attached, 
to new faces and turbulent and unruly tribes whom 
it will take much time and trouble to bring into 
the orderly state of those I have left — if ever it 
can be efi'ected. What reconciles me to the change, 
however, and inspires me with spirit to persevere, 


is the hope of being able to effect what hitherto has 
never been effected — the pacification of this inter- 
esting countr}'-, and attaching and benefiting the 
Rajput Bhil and Koli tribes of these hills." 

His headquarters were now at Edar, the capital 
of a Rajput state in the Mahi Kanta, which paid a 
yearly tribute to the Gaikwar of Baroda. Here, 
in the company of his wife, Outram found some 
passing relaxation from the duties which often 
carried him further south. His agency included 
"innumerable petty chiefs, who, being independent 
of each other, and of almost any control whatsoever, 
are of course constantly quarrelling with each 
other — and my duty is chiefly to mediate between 
the parties and collect the tribute, which they pay 
through us to the Gaikwar (Prince of Guzerat)." ^ 

" I am occupied in my office," he writes again in 
October, " every day between seven and eight 
hours, and have little leisure during the rest of the 
day." In the same letter, written from Harsol, he 
reports the birth of a son — now Sir Francis Outram, 
Bart. — on September 23, followed by the dangerous 
illness of his wife. " She has, however, been grad- 
ually recovering, and is to-day [October 2] pro- 
nounced out of danger. As soon as she is perfectly 
strong we shall move to our residence at Sadra 
(24 miles from hence), which is much healthier and 
more commodious." 

They passed the cold season of 1836-37 at the 
Sadra Residence, where Outram was " obliged to 
slave every day till dusk, not excepting Sundays 
even. I am succeeding in my task, however, and 
gaining honour and inward satisfaction, which is 

' Outram Letters. 


better." ^ Mrs Outram regained strength so slowly 
that the doctors ordered her to spend the hot season 
in the hills. 

After many weeks spent in official tours, or in 
aiding our ally the Gaikwar to chastise a rebellious 
vassal, Outram rejoined his ailing wife at Poona 
during the monsoon rains of 1837. But his hopes 
of carrying her back with him ere long to Sadra 
were dashed by inexorable fate, which, in the guise 
of a strong medical certificate, decreed her immedi- 
ate return to Europe, in search of the health denied 
her by the relaxing climate of Western India. At 
Bombay he parted from his wife and child on board 
the ship which was to bear them out of the noble 
harbour towards the home he had longed so often 
of late to revisit. 

His success in dealing with the rebellious vassal 
aforesaid had once more brought Captain Outram 
into collision with the Government of Bombay. In 
March 1837 Partab Singh, the turbulent Kajah of 
Aglur, was in open revolt against his liege lord the 
Gaikwar of Baroda ; the Gaikwar's general had 
applied to the Political Agent for the loan of British 
troops to aid him in subduing so powerful a foe. 
Outram was willing to lend the troops, but declined 
to place them under the orders of a native com- 
mandant. Armed with the implicit sanction of 
Mr Williams, the Political Commissioner, Outram 
arranged with the head of the Gaikwar's army to 
make a combined attack on the rebel stronghold of 
Kansipur on the Sabarmati river. After a stout 
resistance the place was carried by assault ; many 
of its defenders were slain, their leaders captured, 

^ Letter of January 1, 1837, to his mother. 


and the Malii Kanta was saved betimes from the 
danger which had seemed to threaten it.^ 

Outram's services on this occasion evoked from 
the Bombay Government some words of praise for 
his great military talents, coupled with many sen- 
tences strongly condemning the policy which had 
led to their display. It was very wrong of him, 
they declared, to aid our ally in coercing his sub- 
jects before obtaining some guarantee that their 
grievances would be investigated or redressed. In 
his zeal for peace at any price Sir Robert Grant 
made small allowance for the difficulties which 
beset an officer intrusted with the task of main- 
taining the peace of " an imperfectly tranquillised 
and highly inflammable country"; a peace, more- 
over, which had just been seriously endangered by 
the arts of insurgent emissaries l^ent on gathering 
recruits to their cause from among their fellow- 
tribesmen across the border. 

So strongly, indeed, had the Governor written to 
the Court of Directors asjainst his accent's violent 
and warlike tendencies, that the Court were at first 
impelled to prohibit the further employment of 
Captain Outram in the Mahi Kanta, " under the 
belief that his longer presence would keep alive 
feelings of mutual distrust and animosit)^ amongst 
the parties concerned in these unfortunate trans- 

On receipt, however, of ampler information from 
India, the Directors not only withdrew their pro- 
hibition, but acknowledged that no feelings of 
mutual distrust and animosity had been aroused 
"even while the transactions were recent"; and 

' Services, &c. 


that the reports of the Government contained sat- 
isfactory evidence " of the great confidence reposed 
in Captain Outram by all classes in the Mahi Kanta, 
and of the general feeling of respect which, through 
his exertions, is now entertained in that country 
for the British Government." They went on to 
declare in effect that Sir Eobert Grant's excessive 
leniency had at first created a false impression, the 
speedy removal of which was " honourable in the 
highest degree to Captain Outram's talents and 
energy ; nor do we doubt that it could only have 
been effected (as he states) by most arduous per- 
sonal exertions on his own part, and on that of his 
able assistant, Lieutenant Wallace." ^ 

How thoroughly Outram had succeeded in accom- 
plishing a task of rare difficulty was proved by the 
fact that in June 1838 he found himself able to 
dispense with the services of the troops employed 
in pacifying the Mahi Kanta. A change so mar- 
vellous in the character and habits of a whole 
province had been brought about, as the Court of 
Directors subsequently declared, " without taking a 
single life — except in the field — or depriving a 
single person of his estate." 

Nor were the healing effects of Outram's firm 
yet lenient policy confined to the province of which 
he had special charge. In March 1839 Mr Giberne, 
as Acting Judicial Commissioner for Guzerat, re- 
ported to his Government "the highly satisfactory 
and surprisingly tranquil" state of afiairs in the 
Ahmadabad districts during the past year. This 
happy result he ascribed not to any improvement 
in the local police, but " to the excellent arrange- 

^ Services, &c. 


ments and judicious proceedings of Captain Outram, 
Political Agent in the ]\Jahi Kanta."^ 

After parting from his wife and child in the 
manner already shown, Outram had returned to his 
daily grind at Sadra, where he employed his leisure 
moments in the business of repairing the damage 
wrought upon his bungalow by the recent rains. 
By this time, the close of 1837, his stated devotion 
alike to official and domestic duties had effected a 
curious transformation in his habits and appearance. 
" Physical exertion," says Sir F. Goldsmid, " was in 
a great measure abandoned. He detested 'con- 
stitutionals ' in any shape, and soon fell into the 
mistake of avoiding exercise if he could possibly 
manage it. The early morning, like every period 
of the day, was devoted to desk-work. At Harsol 
he would walk beside his wife's tonjon in the even- 
ing ; but at Sadra he often passed the walking 
hour in inspecting the workmen carrying out pro- 
posed improvements in the house, an expensive 
amusement to which he was everywhere prone. He 
had begun to grow quite stout before leaving the 
Mahi Kanta." At Harsol he had sometimes gone 
after hog ; but at Sadra there seems to have been 
no sport to tempt him. Small game he had always 
held in such contempt that he had long since 
made a vow, which he faithfully kept, never to fire 
anything but ball. During the summer of 1837 
he is said to have slain his last tiger, a man-eater, 
in the Kaira jungles, where such game was still 
to be found." 

Writing to his mother in June 1838, Outram 
tells her that his anxiety on her account has de- 

* Outram Testimonials. ^ Goldsmid. 


cided him to go home on furlough in 1840; "by 
which time I shall have completed my labours here 
in such a manner as to ensure being reinstated in 
the political line when I return to India." But 
events were happening in India and Afghanistan 
which delayed for some years the fulfilment of his 
long-cherished hopes, and called for his services on 
another and more exciting scene. Lord Auckland, 
the new Governor-General, was drifting, for high 
political reasons, into an unprovoked war with Dost 
Muhammad, the able ruler of Afghanistan. Espous- 
ing the cause of Dost Muhammad's supplanted rival, 
Shah Shuja, the exiled pensioner of Ludiana, he 
issued orders on October 1, 1838, for assembling 
British troops at Bombay and Ferozepore for a 
march across the Indus upon Kandahar and Kabul. 
As a matter of course, Outram volunteered to rejoin 
his regiment, which had been ordered on active 

The offer was accepted so far as concerned his 
employment in the field. But neither Lord Auck- 
land nor the Governor of Bombay would hear of 
remitting an ofiicer of Outram's merits to the 
routine of regimental duty. He himself w^ould 
have been delighted, as he tells the Governor's 
private secretary, "to be attached to the Cavalry 
Brigade simply as a volunteer, or in any capacity," ^ 
Better things, however, were reserved for an officer 
whose deserts had won him many friends in high 
places. On November 21 Outram sends his mother 
a " very hasty line just to tell you that I sail to-day 
with Sir John Keane, on his personal staff*, with the 
Bombay army, destined for Sind. . . . Sir John 

' Letter of October 14, 1838, to Major Felix. 


kindly relieved me from regimental duty by con- 
stituting me an extra A.D.C. I still, however, 
retain my appointment of Political Agent, which 
gives me half my civil allowances." The campaign, 
he fondly imagined, would be over in six months, 
and then he would certainly prepare to return 

The great fleet of transports, guarded by the 
warships of the old Indian navy, carried Sir John 
Keane and the Bombay column of the Army of the 
Indus to the shores of Sind, where the British 
agent. Colonel (afterwards Sir) Henry Pottinger, 
was still bargaining with the Amirs, or rulers of 
the country, for the free passage of our troops 
across their land toward the mountain-passes lead- 
ing into Southern Afghanistan. On landing near 
Vikkar, the troops found nothing ready for supply- 
ing even their immediate needs. It appeared to 
Keane as if he had landed in an enemy's country. 
The boatmen and camel-owners near the coast would 
have no dealings with him, while the Amirs and 
their Biliichi soldiery were gathering for the defence 
of Haidarabad, the southern capital of Sind. Out- 
ram at once set off in a schooner to Mandavi in 
quest of aid from the friendly Kao of Cutch. A 
few days spent in travelling to and fro and inter- 
viewing all kinds of people enabled him to procure 
a large supply of boats, forage, cattle, sheep, and 
baggage-animals for the army encamped at Vikkar.^ 

On December 7 Outram landed at Karachi, about 
a hundred miles westward of the British camp. " I 
went on shore," he says, "in a native boat, without 

' Outram's Rough Notes of the Campaign, 1838-39. Richardson. 


servants or baggage of any kind, having sent back 
the Constance to the Hujamri, determining myself 
to go overland to camp, and hoping to excite con- 
fidence by displaying it in thus going totally un- 
attended, — my object being ostensibly merely to 
look after camels, but in reality also to feel the 
temper of the natives, and to endeavour to ascertain 
the actual intentions of their rulers." ^ Three days 
of rapid travelling across a country dotted with 
ruined cities and tamarisk -jungles brought him 
back to Vikkar, whither several hundred camels 
were soon to follow him from Karachi and Ghari 

Thanks mainly to Captain Outram's resourceful 
energy,^ Keane began his forward march up the 
left bank of the Indus on December 24, 1838. 
On the 28th his camp was pitched beside the once 
populous town of Thatta, whose trade had been 
nearly ruined by the misgovernment of the Amirs. 
A long halt at this place, pending the progress of 
events elsewhere, was followed on January 23, 
1839, by Keane's advance towards Haidarabad. 
Two more marches brought him to Jerak, about 
twenty miles from the capital of Lower Sind.^ 

* Outram's Rough Notes. 

'^ "To him chiefly, if not entirely, was it to be attributed that on 
the 22nd (December) it was reported that a sufficient number of camels 
had been collected ; and orders were given for the army to advance, 
in two divisions." — Narrative of the Campaign of the Army of the 
Indus in Sind and Kabul in 1838. By Richard Hartley Kennedy, 
M.D. Bentley, 1840. " Keane made his way up the Indus valley, 
the transport service and the supply of a sufficiency of camels present- 
ing almost insuperable difficulties, surmounted chiefly by the energy 
of Outram." — The Life of General John Jacob. By A. I. Shand. 
Seeley & Co. London, 1900. 

3 The First Afghan War. By Major-General Durand. 


Meanwhile British diplomacy, backed by an im- 
posing array of guns and bayonets, was hourly 
tightening its coils around the writhing Laocoons 
of Sind. About the middle of January Captain 
Outran! and Lieutenant Eastwick were steaming 
up the Indus to Haidarabad, charged with orders 
from Pottinger and Keane to obtain a final answer 
from the Amirs to Lord Auckland's imperious de- 
mands. On the 20th our two envoys and their 
escort of sixty men encamped within three miles 
of the capital. At 4 p.m. of the 22nd Outram 
and Eastwick were admitted to an audience with 
the leading Amirs, w^ho after a brief discussion of 
the obnoxious treaty dismissed the envoys, in Out- 
ram's own words, " with every assurance that ' the 
will of the British Government was law to that of 
Sind,' but that a definite answer could not be given 
until next day." ^ 

On the morning of the 24th the envoys received 
through their native agent an answer so ambiguous 
that, in view of the hostile attitude of the Amirs' 
soldiery, they broke up their little camp and re- 
turned down the Lidus to Jerak. Their time, how- 
ever, had not been altogether wasted, for Outram 
had made a careful survey, not only of the town 
and fort of Haidarabad, but of the hilly ranges 
lying to the westward. 

On February 3 Keane marched eleven miles 
nearer Haidarabad, encamping on the ground which 
Outram had reconnoitred a week before. By that 
time the Amirs, thoroughly frightened and despair- 
ing of help from without, had agreed to accept the 
treaty as it stood, lest a worse thing should befall 

1 Outram's Rough Notes. 


them. When Keane's army on February 4 halted 
at Kotri, on the right bank of the Indus opposite 
Haidarabad, it was known in camp that the treaty 
had actually been signed, and orders issued for the 
dispersion of the Sindian army. Two days later 
Outran! accompanied the chief engineer and several 
other scientific ofiicers for the purpose of inspecting 
the city, fort, and environs of Haidarabad. It is 
worth noting that the results of their visit entirely 
confirmed the accuracy of the plans sketched by 
Outran! during his previous mission to the Amirs.^ 

1 Outram's Eough Notes. Goldsmid. 



AUGUST 1839. 

On February 10 Sir John Keane resumed his march 
northwards upon Shikarpur, about twenty miles 
north-westward of Sakhar. A few days later the 
Bengal column of the Army of the Indus, com- 
manded by Sir Willoughby Cotton, was making its 
way from Rohri, by a bridge of boats which our 
engineers had thrown across the swift-flowing Indus, 
to Sakhar on the opposite bank. By February 20 
the whole of Cotton's army was encamped at Shik- 
arpur, awaiting further orders from Sir John Keane, 
and fresh supplies of food and camels, before plung- 
ing into the arid wastes that stretched away west- 
ward to the foot of the bare Biluchi Hills. 

On the last day of February the Bombay column 
came to a halt about thirty miles to the south of 
Larkhana. So many camels had perished on the 
way up from Kotri that fresh supplies were im- 
peratively needed for the final advance across the 
Sind desert. At that time our Afghan puppet, 
Shah Shuja, was still encamped among his own 
levies at Shikarpur, in company with the British 
envoys Macnaghten and Burnes. It was Keane's 


earnest desire to secure for his own use a large 
number of the camels attached to the Shah's con- 
tingent. In order to effect his purpose he looked 
about for some officer on whose zeal, tact, and 
suasive influence he could thoroughly depend ; and 
the choice fell upon Captain Outram. 

By the evening of March 1 Outram had traversed 
on camel-back the ninety miles that lay between 
Sir John Keane's camp and Shikarpur. On the 
same evening he "found Mr Macnaghten at table 
with his assistants, Major Todd and Captain 
M'Gregor, and was received with much cordiality 
by the envoy, to whom I communicated the object 
of my journey." ^ On the evening of the 2nd he 
was riding in company with Macnaghten and Major 
Todd beside the Shah's litter. His majesty, an 
elderly person of mild manners, was known to be 
a great stickler for etiquette, and all the British 
officers had to approach and leave him with the 
utmost ceremony. Outram, however, found him 
" very affable " during the few minutes that they 
conversed together, and he was able to assure his 
chief that Macnaghten would furnish him with 
twice as many camels as those which Keane had 
offered for the Shah's own use. 

On the following day Outram learns that Sir 
Willoughby Cotton, who had led a portion of his 
troops a week earlier from Shikarpur towards the 
Bolan Pass, "gives a most deplorable account of 
the scarcity of water and forage on this route, 
which is so great that only one squadron of cavalry, 
or one wing of infantry, can advance at a time : 
many days will consequently be occupied in the 

^ Rough Notes. 


passage of his troops. His artillery park and the 
2nd infjintry brigade had not yet left Shikarpur, 
nor were they likely to do so in less than a 
week." Before noon of March 4 Outram rejoined 
his chief at Larkhana, whence he wrote to Mac- 
naghten " thanking him for an offer, conveyed 
through Sir John Keane, which had passed me on 
the road, to attach me to his mission, but respect- 
fully declining the favour, as I am unwilling to 
leave the army whilst a prospect of service 
remains." ^ 

Hardly had one of the lions in Keane's path 
been happily disposed of when another rose up 
from between his very feet. The Cutch camel- 
drivers refused to advance a step farther, and 
Outram was deputed to quell the mutiny. When 
all other means of bringing them to reason had been 
tried in vain, " I was under the necessity," he 
whites, " of tying up one and giving him two 
dozen lashes : a second succeeded, and a third, 
who got four dozen, he having been observed check- 
ing the rest wdien they began to show symptoms 
of giving in." This, he adds, " had the desired 
effect ; they promised obedience in future, and took 
out the camels to graze." "When some of their 
jemadars had given the requisite pledges for their 
future good behaviour, the mutineers, who numbered 
more than 2000, were allowed to return to their 

During Keane's advance westward across Sind 
Outram was continually engaged in carrying mes- 
sages between Macnaohten and Sir John Keane. 
On the morning of March 21 he w^as riding out 

1 Eough Notes. 


to meet his chief when his horse, in making a 
sudden turn, " fell flat on his side, with me below 
him, the result being that the bone of the pelvis, 
above the hip-joint, was fractured, in consequence 
of coming into violent contact with the hilt of 
my sword." Borne along each day in his dhooly, 
he accompanied the column thenceforth commanded 
by General Willshire, while Keane himself was 
pushing on ahead with a few troops to overtake 
the Bengal force somewhere beyond the steep 
stony windings of the Bolan Pass. 

It was more than a month after his mishap before 
Outram was well enough to mount a horse again. 
He himself tells how on the morning of April 25 
he rode, for the first time, three miles to the mouth 
of the Khojak Pass. On the same evening he rode 
on again with Major Todd the greater part of the 
twenty-four miles which led from the northern end 
of the pass to the fort of Fatulla, where he left 
his dhooly altogether.^ 

Still riding on ahead of the column, Outram on 
the 29th rejoined Sir John Keane at breakfast, "in 
a delightful garden, a few hundred yards from the 
walls of Kandahar, with the different camps scat- 
tered around in various directions." On May 4 
Willshire's column marched into camp outside the 
city, which Shah Shuja had entered peaceably a 
few days before. Four days later a grand review 
of the whole army was held outside the city, in 
honour of the royal exile whom British bayonets 
had brought back in triumph to his western capital. 
As the Shah mounted the raised platform whence 
he and his retainers were to witness the review, 

^ Rough Notes. 


the long line of troops presented arms, and the 
batteries thundered a salute of a hundred-and-one 

One thing only was wanting to the full success 
of that morning's pageant. The expected crowd of 
loyal citizens numbered barely fourscore, nor did 
a single Afghan of any mark come out from the 
city to aid in acclaiming the rightful heir to the 
throne of his famous forefather, Ahmad Shah. 

By this time both divisions of Keane's army were 
in sore need of rest after the hardships, toils, losses, 
and low rations of the past month. Not until June 
27, 1839, while Ranjit Singh lay dying at Lahore, 
did Keane beo;in his march of 230 miles from 
Kandahar to Ghazni, leaving behind him a sufficient 
garrison, and the heavy guns which he had brought 
on with so much difficulty through the Bolan and 
Khojak passes. The whole force was still on reduced 
rations for want of carriage ; and bodies of Ghilza.i 
horsemen hovered about their flanks, ready for 
plunder, but seldom venturing to attack. 

The line of march lay through open country 
rising gradually towards Khelat - i - Ghilzai, and 
higher still in the neighbourhood of Ghazni. On 
July 21 the whole army, including the Shah's con- 
tino;ent, halted within sight of the famous strong;- 
hold, whence the terrible Malimud had sallied forth 
eight centuries earlier, to harry the people and 
subdue the princes of Northern India. The place 
was then garrisoned by a few thousand Afghans 
under the command of Prince Haidar, a son of 
Dost Muhammad. For want of the siege - guns 
Keane had left at Kandahar, he resolved to carry 
Ghazni by storm as soon as his engineers had 


blown in the Kabul gate. Meanwhile, about noon 
of the 22nd, the hills to the southward of his 
camp were crowned by masses of horse and foot, 
who seemed preparing to swoop down upon the 
Shah's camp, which lay just below them. As the 
enemy moved downwards they were promptly met 
and driven backwards by the Shah's horse under 
Captain Peter Nicholson, leaving a few dead and 
one of their standards on the field. 

Just before this repulse Outram had galloped out 
to see what was going on. Finding no European 
officer on the spot, " I prevailed," he says, " on 
a body of the Shah's horse to follow me round 
the hills in the enemy's rear, where I stationed 
them so as to cut off their retreat." On his way 
back to the front Outram came upon a body of 
the Shah's infantry and matchlock - men under a 
European officer. "I suggested to him," he says, 
"the propriety of an immediate attempt to force 
the enemy from the heights, in the direction where 
I had just stationed the cavalry. He expressed his 
readiness to act under my orders ; and, relinquish- 
ing to me the charge of his detachment, which was 
composed of pickets from different corps hastily 
assembled, we ascended the hill together. The 
matchlock-men behaved with great gallantry, ad- 
vancing steadily under a galling fire, and availing 
themselves of every rock and stone as fast as the 
enemy were dislodged. They were followed by the 
Sepoys in close order, who occupied every favour- 
able undulation of ground, and were thus prepared 
to meet any sudden rush that might be made on 
the part of the enemy." 

On the loftiest peak floated the sacred banner 


of green and white, which summoned Musalman 
zealots to a jihad, or holy war, against the infidel, 
" Towards this object," says Outram, " we made 
our way, ascending a very precipitous acclivity 
under a smart fire, from which we were sheltered 
by the rocks, until, on our arriving within fifty 
paces of the enemy, a fortunate shot brought down 
the standard-bearer. The whole of our party then 
rushing up with a general cheer, the banner was 
seized, whilst the enemy, panic - stricken at this 
proof of the fallacy of their belief, fled wdth pre- 
cipitation to a second hill, whither I deemed it 
useless to follow them, both because our men were 
already much exhausted from thirst and fatigue, 
and because the range, instead of terminating, as 
I had conjectured, at this point, in which case the 
fugitives might easily have been driven into the 
plain, proved to be a succession of steep hills, 
among which it was not practicable for cavalry 
to act." ^ 

In this brilliant aff'air the enemy lost between 
thirty and forty killed or wounded, besides fifty 
prisoners taken by the Shah's cavalry. The total 
loss on our side did not exceed twenty. 

Before dawn of the 23rd the powder-bags had 
been duly laid at the foot of the Kabul gate. In 
another moment came the explosion, which burst 
the gate open. The storming columns did their 
duty, and in less than an hour the fight was 
over and the whole fortress had fallen into our 
hands. The loss of the victors had been, in Out- 
ram's words, " surprisingly small," considering the 
stand made by the enemy in various quarters — a 

' Rough Notes. 


stand which cost them more than 600 in slain 
alone. Sixteen hundred prisoners, including the 
Governor, Haidar Khan himself, fell into our 

It remains only to say that Captain Outram's 
services on that eventful morning were such as 
became the smartest and most active officer on 
Keane's personal staff. He was the first to ac- 
quaint his chief with the successful storming of 
the Kabul gate. A little later his timely appear- 
ance outside the eastern wall of Ghazni thwarted 
the enemy's attempts to break away in that 

With the fall of Ghazni fell Dost Muhammad's 
last hopes of saving his northern capital. Before 
Keane, on July 30, began his final march of ninety 
miles towards Kabul, the disheartened Amir, with 
his son Akbar and a small band of faithful fol- 
lowers, was making his way towards the wilds of 
the Hindu Kush. Four days later the news of 
his flight had reached the British camp. It seemed 
to Macnaghten and Shah Shuja that there could be 
no peace in Afghanistan so long as the foe they 
most dreaded remained at large. The flying Amir 
must be hunted down promptly at whatever cost. 
Two hundred and twenty-five picked horsemen, led 
by the dashing James Outram, with the aid of ten 
other British officers, were sent off" at once in hot 
chase of their noble quarry. With them also 
marched 500 Afghan Horse commanded by Hajji 
Khan Khakar, who had undertaken to act as guide. 
This man had been one of the first to desert the 
Amir and pay homage to Shah Shuja at Kandahar. 

^ Rougli Notes. 


The Shall had rewarded the traitor with a rich 
jaghir and a post of honour in the State.^ 

The story of that keen but futile chase has been 
well told by Sir George Lawrence, who took an 
active part therein at the head of fifty of his own 
troopers. Outram's force set off in the lightest 
marchino; order on the eveninsf of Auo;ust 3. Three 
days later two more officers with a few score men 
joined in the chase. For six days and nights, with 
short intervals of rest, and food of the scantiest and 
plainest kind, the hunters rode on over rough and 
hilly ground, past scattered villages, up the steep 
pass that led over the Hindu Kush, as far as the 
town of Bamian, turning always a deaf ear to the 
excuses repeatedly urged by their treacherous guide 
for delaying or abandoning a dangerous and fruit- 
less errand. 

Many of Outram's Afghan horsemen were badly 
mounted, and most of them kept lagging behind 
in quest of plunder. " AVe have to obey our 
orders," was Outram's answer to all Hajji's remon- 
strances, " and if your men fail us at the critical 
moment, you will have to answer to Shah Shuja 
with your life." At Bamian Outram learned that 
the fugitive Amir, with his son Akbar and 2000 
horsemen, had fled beyond Saigan, and found 
asylum with the Wali, or Governor, of Kulum 
across the Balkh frontier. Seeing that further 
pursuit was hopeless, Outram halted for three 
days at Bamian to rest and recruit his tired 
party before turning his face towards Kabul, where 
Keane's army was already encamped. 

1 Kaye'a War in Afghanistan. Sir G. Lawrence's Forty Years' 
Service in India. 


Meanwhile his letters to Macnaghten report the 
final escape of Dost Muhammad across the frontier, 
and recount the series of tricks played upon himself 
by a manifest traitor in order to ensure the failure 
of an enterprise which would else have proved a 
complete success. '* The conduct of Hajji Khan," 
he declares, " if not criminal, has been most blam- 
able throughout ; his backwardness having favoured 
the escape of the Amir Dost Muhammad Khan, 
whose capture was inevitable had the Khan pushed 
on, as he might have done, as I repeatedly urged 
him to do, and as his troops were perfectly capable 
of doino;." 

He concludes by affirming that "the whole of 
the proceedings of Nussir-ucl-Daula [the Hajji's 
official title] have thus displayed either the grossest 
cowardice or the deepest treachery ; and I have 
now performed my duty in making them known 
to you."' 

On August 12 Outram's party set out from 
Bamian, and arrived at Kabul on the 17th. " Our 
arrival," says Lawrence, " was hailed with much 
satisfaction as well as surprise, as a horseman had 
come into camp and reported that he had witnessed 
our total destruction. Of course we had to bear 
the usual fate of the unsuccessful — friends kindly 
remarking, ' what madmen we were to go on such 
a wild-goose chase ; what other result could have 
been expected ? we were only too lucky to return 
with our heads on our shoulders,' &c. ; Sir John 
Keane winding up the chorus by saying ' he had 
not supposed there were thirteen such asses in his 
whole force ! ' Indeed I entertained some such 

^ Rough Notes. 


thoughts myself as to the rash character of our 
expedition ; but still, as a soldier, I could not have 
shrunk from undertaking what my superiors deemed 
was within the verge of possibility. Besides, I think 
that had we been accompanied by a stronger body 
of our own troops, and no Afghans, with only trust- 
worthy guides, we should have succeeded in our 
enterprise." ^ 

Outram at once reported to Shah Shuja the ap- 
parent treachery of Hajji Khan. The old traitor 
was promptly arrested by the Shah's command. 
Clear proofs of his treasonable practices were soon 
forthcoming, and the villainous Hajji was presently 
marched off a close prisoner to Hindustan. In due 
time he was safely lodged in the riverside fortress 
of Chunar. 

Meanwhile on August 7, 1839, Shah Shuja-ul- 
Mulk, glittering with jewels and mounted on a 
white charger, had been escorted in triumph by 
British officers and troops through the streets of 
Kabul into the castled palace of the Bala Hissar. 
No outburst of popular welcome hailed the Shah's 
return to his capital after an absence of thirty 
years. Of those who came out to stare at the 
passing pageant, very few were seen to offer him 
a common salaam. " It was more," says Kaye, 
" like a funeral procession than the entry of the 
king into the capital of his restored dominions." 

1 Lawrence's Forty-Three Years' Service. 




Not many weeks after the escape of Dost Muham- 
mad Captain Outram was leading an armed force 
on a more successful errand than that which had 
carried him across the Hindu Kush. " On August 
21," he writes, " I was temporarily placed at the 
disposal of the Envoy and Minister with his majesty 
Shah Shuja-ul-Mulk, for the purpose of conducting 
an expedition into certain disturbed districts lying 
between Kabul and Kandahar, in order to tranquil- 
lise the disaffected Ghilzai tribes, none of whom had 
yet submitted to the king." He accepted Mac- 
naghten's offer of political employment only on 
the understanding that he should be free to take 
part in any further fighting that events might call 

He was instructed to depose, and if possible to 
arrest, four refractory Ghilzai chiefs, and to estab- 
lish the newly appointed Ghilzai governors ; to 
punish the people of Maruf for their wanton de- 
struction of a peaceful caravan ; to reduce, if need- 
ful, the forts of Hajji Khan Khakar ; and lastly, to 
hunt down and punish all concerned in the cold- 


blooded murder of Colonel Herring.^ The troops 
assigned him for this purpose comprised a wing of 
the Shah's 1st Cavalry, a squadron of Skinner's 
Horse, 500 Afghan Horse, Captain Abbot's nine- 
pounder battery, and Captain Anderson's troop of 
Horse Artillery. A wing of the 16th Bengal In- 
fantry was to join him later from Ghazni, and a 
regiment of the Shah's infantry from Kandahar. 

On September 7 Outram set out from Kabul on 
an enterprise which demanded skill, energy, and 
endurance of the highest order. The delays and 
difficulties which he had to encounter on his march 
northwards were not few. On the 12th his men 
toiled painfully over the Kharwar Pass, the ascent 
of which is described by Outram as " extremely 
steep and difficult, and infinitely worse than the 
Khojak." It was not until the 14th that the 500 
Afghan horsemen, whom Macnaghten had promised 
to send on by hook or by crook, made their tardy 
appearance in Outram's camp. Still pressing for- 
wards, he was joined on the 18th by a wing of the 
16th Bengal Native Infantry under Major M'Laren. 
Two days later Outram learned that the detachment 
which he had left behind at Kharwar had arrested 
Bakshi Khan, a chief of the robber tribe concerned 
in the murder of Colonel Herrinf*;, 

On the 21st Outran! made a night-march in order 
to surprise a body of these Kanjak banditti in one 
of their mountain fastnesses. Arriving by day- 
break at a deep dell occupied by the gang, he 
disposed his troops so skilfully that the enemy, 

^ "This officer, with his regiment, was escorting treasure from 
Kandahar, and was baibaroualy butchered when strolling unarmed 
to a small distance from his camp." — Durand. 


hemmed in on all sides, were compelled after a 
fierce and stubborn resistance to throw down their 
arms. Sixteen of the more desperate had been 
slain, and 112, including several women who had 
shared in the fighting, were taken prisoners. Not 
a soul among them had been permitted to escape. 
Forty-six of the most ferocious were forthwith sent 
off to Kabul, where they were promptly executed 
in the presence of our troops. 

How much of this success, won by our side with 
very trifling loss, was due to Outram's quick eye 
and ready daring may be gathered from his own 
account of the affair : " The ground being very 
broken and diflicult, most of the enemy had found 
time to ascend a precipitous hill, along the ridge of 
which they must have escaped had I not fortun- 
ately been mounted on an exceedingly active horse, 
and thus been enabled to gallop ahead and deter 
them from advancing until the cavalry came up. 
Finding themselves completely surrounded, they 
defended themselves most stoutly, and maintained 
their position until their ammunition was nearly 
all expended, when on a general rush being made 
from every quarter at once, they were induced to 
throw down their arms." 

Outram accomplished the remainder of his errand 
with equal celerity and success. By October 8 the 
strong fort of Killa-i-Murgha, whose garrison in the 
darkness had cut their way out, was entirely de- 
molished by Outram's sappers. Nine days later he 
contrived to capture two Barakzai chiefs with all 
their followers, who had been concerned in the 
plunder and ill-treatment of the Hindustani cara- 
van. The Barakzai stronghold at Maruf, which 


had been abandoned a few days before ou the 
approach of Willshire's Bombay column, was de- 
stroyed by Outram's orders on the 18th. "To my 
astonishment," he writes, " it proved to be the strong- 
est fortress that we had yet seen in the countrj'', 
. . . which might have held out successfully 
against all the materiel with wdiich the Bombay 
Division is provided."^ The destruction of a large 
fort belonging to Hajji Khan Khakar on October 
29 relieved the surroundins; villas^es from all fear 
of further depredations, and brought Outram's mis- 
sion to a successful close. Rejoining the Bombay 
column, he arrived at Quetta on the last day of 
October 1839. 

Outside Afghanistan one more task remained to 
accomplish before the Bombay column could re- 
sume its homeward march. During his halt at 
Quetta Willshire had been ordered to march south- 
wards against Khelat, the capital of Biluchistan, 
for the purpose of punishing the ruler of that 
country, Mihrab Khan, whom Burnes had charged 
with divers acts of enmity and bad faith in breach 
of his treaty with the Indian Government. In 
vain had the Khan pleaded his utter impotence 
to restrain Biliichi robbers from plundering our 
baggage, and to furnish the promised supplies from 
a country on the brink of famine. No mercy was 
to be shown to the prince who had given Shah 
Shuja a kindly welcome during his flight in 1834 
from Kandahar. 

Leaving his cavalry, with most of his guns and 
some Native Infantry, to march ofi" through the 
Bolan Pass, General "Willshire led the rest of his 

^ Eough Notes. 


troops from Quetta on November 4 towards Khelat. 
On November 13 Khelat was carried by storm after 
a desperate struggle, in which the brave old Khan 
and eight of his chief officers fell, fighting stubbornly 
to the last.^ 

As an officer on Willshire's staff, Outram rendered 
conspicuous service during that day's fighting. See- 
ing that the enemy were trying to withdraw their 
guns from the heights outside the fort, General 
Willshire despatched Outram with orders to the 
column nearest the gate "to pursue the fugitives, 
and, if possible, to enter the fort with them — but 
at any rate to prevent their taking in the ord- 
nance." Outram reached the scene of action in time 
to ensure the capture of the guns, but too late to 
prevent the flying enemy from closing the gate 
against their pursuers. 

Leaving the grenadier company of the Queen's 
Royals to " take post under cover of a ruined 
building within sixty yards of the gate," Outram 
galloped off to report progress. The whole of our 
troops had now gained the heights, and the guns 
were also being dragged up. Two of these were 
speedily playing upon the towers which commanded 
the gateway, while two others opened fire upon the 
gate itself, which was presently blown in after a 
few discharges from the two remaining guns. 

During the final advance of the storming parties 
the general ordered Captain Outram, who in the 
meantime had not been idle, to take a company of 
the 17th Foot and the 31st Bengal Native Infantry, 
and with these to storm the heights and secure the 
gate on the opposite side of the fort. This move- 

^ Kaye. 


ment was carried out in so spirited a manner that 
the last of the matchlock-men were driven from the 
heights, and the gate itself was stormed by a suc- 
cessful rush of our men before the enemy had time 
to close it. Two guns which had been sent to 
Outram's aid were then turned against the citadel 
with such eftect that a way in was soon cleared 
for the short but desperate struggle which ended 
in the fall of Khelat. 

Through that day's fighting Outram's good for- 
tune carried him unharmed by the storm of shot 
to which he must have offered a conspicuous mark. 
"On these two occasions," he writes, "I was the 
only mounted officer present ; but although both 
the nature of my occupation, and the singularity 
of my rifle uniform, differing as it did from all 
others, must have attracted a considerable share 
of the enemy's observation, I escaped with my usual 
good fortune." ^ 

In his despatch of November 14, General Will- 
shire paid an especial tribute to Captain Outram, 
" who had volunteered his services on my personal 
staff." To that officer, he adds, " I feel greatly 
indebted for the zeal and ability with which he 
has performed various duties that I have required 
of him upon other occasions, as well as the present." 
As a further mark of his approval, Willshire re- 
quested Outram to bear a duplicate of his despatch 
to the Governor of Bombay by the direct route 
southwards to the port of Sonmiani, for the purpose 
of ascertaining how far that route was practicable 
for the march of troops. About midnight of 
November 15 Outram started on his perilous 

^ Kough Notes. Outram Services. 


journey of 360 miles through a hostile country as 
yet unknown to Europeans. 

His party consisted of six persons, himself dis- 
guised as an Afghan pir, or friar, attended by one 
servant, and accompanied by " two holy Saiyads 
from Shawl," with their two armed followers ; the 
whole " being mounted on four ponies and two 
camels, carrying provisions for ourselves, and as 
much grain for the animals as we could conveniently 

On the following day they passed a number of 
fugitives from Khelat, and travelled for a time in 
unwilling company with the families of Mihrab 
Khan's brother and his chief Minister. The ladies 
of this party recognised the Saiyads as old acquaint- 
ances. "It behoved us," says Outram, "to remain 
with this party a sufficient time to listen to all their 
griefs, and having been previously introduced by 
my companions in the character of a jpir, I was 
most especially called upon to sympathise in their 
woes. This I did by assuming an air of deep 
gravity and attention, although in reality I did 
not understand a single word that was uttered." 
The very disguise donned by Outram might have 
become an added danger, had the garments, which 
he selected from the plunder of Khelat, been 
of a somewhat costlier and more pretentious 

On the night of the 16th, while the travellers 
were resting under the walls of a deserted village, 
"inquisitive persons flocked round us to institute 
inquiries respecting relatives or friends who had 
been engaged at Khelat." Outram pretended to be 
asleep; "but my companions were compelled to 


satisfy a whole string of interrogatories, which lasted 
until the nicjlit was far advanced." Decidinsf to 
push on again before dawn, they persuaded " an 
indigent native" to act as guide, upon the sole 
condition that Outram would furnish him with a 
charm to save his sick camel from dying during 
his absence. " A tuft of the animal's hair having 
accordingly been brought to me, I was obliged, in 
support of my assumed character, to go through 
the mummery of muttering over it a string of 
cabalistic words — may God forgive the hypocrisy ! " ^ 

After passing safely on the 18th through the 
village of Nal, the party halted in a friendly jungle 
three miles beyond, while one of the Saiyads, with 
the two armed attendants, returned to the village 
in quest of grain for the horses. This party, un- 
fortunately missing our place of concealment, sub- 
sequently passed on, and we waited for them in 
vain until the evening. The other Saiyad then 
became so uneasy that he went back to the village 
to inquire for them, leaving me alone with my 
domestic, Hussain, to abide his return." 

Outram and his servant were thus left alone, 
without money, food, or guide ; neither of them 
able to speak a word of Biluchi, and both of them 
liable to be murdered by the first party of 
natives who might discover their hiding - place. 
Nearly an hour passed by in this manner ; the 
night was fast approaching, and neither of his com- 
panions had yet returned. Taking his courage in 
both hands, Outram took his way towards the vil- 
lage, " where, should I fail to terrify the chief into 
civility by threats of the consequences of maltreat- 

* Eough Notes. 


ing a British officer, I hoped that the holy influ- 
ence of my Saiyad friends might prove of some 

He and Hussain had not gone far when, to their 
great relief, they were overtaken by the second 
Saiyad, who was hunting everywhere for his lost 
companions. " His return," says Outram, " brought 
a most welcome reprieve from what I considered 
almost certain destruction ; and he informed us that 
the rest of our party had left the village some hours 
previously, and had doubtless gone on, under the 
impression that we had preceded them." Pushing 
forward for two hours from village to village in 
search of their missing friends, "we at length dis- 
covered them in a small fort assisting at the coron- 
ach for the dead chief, the tidings of whose fall at 
Khelat had been received that very afternoon." An 
hour later the whole of Outram's party hurried on 
beneath the brilliant moonlight for eight hours over 
some forty miles of smooth road. 

During the last thirty miles they had seen " not 
a trace of human habitation." It was with a keen 
sense of relief that Outram lay down by the bank of 
a river for two hours of well-earned sleep. ^ They 
awoke at last to find that their guide had mean- 
while decamped. Luckily a shepherd tending his 
flock hard by was persuaded to take the other man's 
place. A ride of eight hours on the 19th carried 
the party over a range of lofty mountains to their 
bivouac in the half-dry bed of the Urnach river, 
where for the first time their horses enjoyed the 
forage they sorely needed. At 10 a.m. of November 
23 they reached Sonmiani, whence Outram the same 

1 Rough Notes. 


evening embarked for Karachi in a boat provided by 
a hospitable Hindu. 

At Karachi Outram rode off in his Afghan 
costume on the pony which had borne him so 
stoutly from Khelat to Sonmiani, to renew ac- 
quaintance with his brother - in - law, General Far- 
quharson. Great was the general's amused surprise 
at the figure which appeared before him, with a 
small puggree "sparsely bound about his head, the 
hair cropping through the interstices ; all very dirty 
and mean -looking. There was no saddle on the 
pony — merely a cloth over his back."^ 

On the evening of the same day, the 24th, 
Outram sailed for Bombay, where he delivered the 
desjjatches which first acquainted his Government 
with the fall of Khehit. It was now, too, that 
Outram learned for the first time how very near 
to utter failure had come his successful journey 
through Biluchistan. Shortly after his arrival at 
Bombay a party of Biluchi horse-dealers landed 
there also from Sonmiani. They stated " that at 
midnio-ht of the evenino; on which I sailed the son 
of "Wali Muhammad Khan (the chief of Wadh, who 
was slain at the storm of Khelat) arrived in great 
haste with a party in pursuit of me ; and on learn- 
ing that I had already gone, displayed extreme 
disappointment and irritation. It would appear 
that information of my journey and disguise had 
been received by this chief the day after I passed 
through Nal. To the forced march of fifty miles, 
therefore, which was made thence by our party, 
with the design of outstripping the flying tidings 
of the overthrow of Khelat, I may consider myself 
^ Goldsmid. 


principally indebted for my escape — my pursuers 
having missed me at the seaport of Sonmiani only 
by a few hours." ^ 

On November 13, 1839, Captain Outram was 
promoted to the brevet rank of major for his ser- 
vices at Khel^t. His report on the results of his 
recent journey was duly forwarded by the Bombay 
Government to the Government of India. From 
both quarters he received abundant thanks for " the 
very interesting and valuable documents" which 
he had placed before them, " being a sketch and 
description of the route, and narrative of that 
officer's journey through Biluchistan from Khelat 
to Sonmiani." ^ 

In the course of the following year the Court of 
Directors, through their Secret Committee, con- 
ferred upon Major Outram the rank of lieutenant- 
colonel, and Lord Auckland wrote to congratulate 
him upon the promotion he had so well deserved. 
But Outram looked in vain for any authorita- 
tive announcement of this new honour. By some 
strange oversight his name was omitted from the 
' Gazette.' In the list of honours and rewards for 
noteworthy achievements connected with the final 
triumph of our arms no place had been found for 
the deeds of that tireless officer, without whose 
ubiquitous aid the army of the Indus could never 
have won its way to Kandahar. But Outram was 
too proud, or too unselfish, to bring this omission to 
the notice of those who might have repaired it. 
*'I consider that honours sought are not to be 
esteemed," was his unfailing answer to the friends 
who urged him to press the matter home. 

1 Eough Notes. ^ Outram Testimonials. 


Had Outram's name been mentioned, as it ought 
to have been, by Lord Keane in his Ghazni despatch, 
his brevet majority would have been dated from the 
fall of that place, and he would have risen to the 
rank of lieutenant-colonel for his services at Khelat. 
" You will have inferred," he writes to his father-in- 
law, Mr J, Anderson, in June 1840, " from his [Lord 
Keane's] silence regarding me at Ghazni that there 
is a want of cordiality in that quarter — in fact, there 
had been a coolness between us some time before, 
. . . and though I had done more than all the rest 
of his personal staff as a soldier, still out of mere 
spitefulness he left me unnoticed, which, as all others 
were mentioned, amounted to positive disgrace." ^ 

If Outram scorned to plead for the justice officially 
denied him, he was anxious at any rate to win a 
favourable hearing from all lovers of truth and fair 
play. The 'Rough Notes,' so often cited in these 
pages, aimed merely at furnishing intelligent readers 
with a plain unvarnished record of the writer's own 
services during the late campaign. As such the 
little volume needed no apology for its candid 
egotism. Made up of extracts from his copious 
diary, it contained no sort of criticism on the mis- 
takes or shortcomings of other people. But the 
letter already quoted shows how keenly his con- 
science could upbraid him for having published a 
book in which he seemed to figure as the leading 
hero of his story. He had at first been persuaded 
to print a few copies of his journal, " for circula- 
tion amongst my private friends as a sort of self- 
justification to them ; but in an evil hour I was 
persuaded further to allow it to be published in 

^ See letter quoted in Appendix A. 


England, which, now that the irritation which in- 
duced me to put it forth in the first instance 
has passed away, I most heartily repent of. The 
thing was well enough as a personal appeal to 
my personal friends, but to thrust my own per- 
formances thus before the public I look upon as 
most indelicate. The public, not knowing the object 
of notes, in the first instance will naturally look 
on me as a most unblushing braggart, as in the 
journal I describe nothing of general interest what- 
ever — merely my own doings. Alas ! it is too late 
now ; my judgment was carried away at the moment 
by my feelings and the enthusiasm of my friends." ^ 
In view of his own preface, however, it may be 
doubted whether any fair-minded reader of ' Rough 
Notes ' would have discovered a trace of that vain- 
glorious boasting for which the writer took himself 
so remorsefully to task. Outram had none, indeed, 
of the pride which apes humility ; but neither was 
he given to overrating his own merits or seeking to 
exalt himself at the expense of others. 

1 Outram Letters. The first London edition of ' Eough Notes' 
was published in 1840 by J. M. Eichardson, 23 Cornhill. 



1840 -SEPTEMBER 1842. 

Shortly after his arrival at Bombay Major Outram 
received a flattering letter from Lord Auckland, 
offering him the Political Agency in Lower Sind in 
the room of Sir Henry Pottinger, whose retirement 
would take effect from January 1, 1840. The com- 
pliment thus paid him was materially enhanced by 
Lord Auckland's knowledcje of the fact that Outram 
had always strongly condemned his Afghan policy, 
and even foretold its disastrous failure.^ 

His friends in India were not backward in their 
congratulations. One of them, our old acquaintance 
Mr Bax, disclaimed all credit for having helped him 
forward on the road to success. " You will get to 
the top of the ladder," he wrote, "as you deserve. 
. . . Your own right hand, your own sound heart 
and sound sense, your own energy and enterprise, 
have accomplished everything, and I knew, a dozen 
years ago, they would raise you to fame whenever 
opportunity offered." " 

' Outram Services. Letters to Mr Willoughby, Secretary to the 
Bombay Government. 
' Outram Letters. 


Embarking from Bassein on January 13, 1840, 
Outram landed at Mandavi on the 22nd. In pass- 
ing leisurely through Cutch, he spent some days 
with Sir Henry Pottinger at Bhiij, and gleaned 
from him much useful information concerning afiairs 
in Sind. His further progress thence to Haidarabad 
was made all the easier for the help his party 
received from the Amirs of Lower Sind. His 
arrival at Haidarabad on February 24 was marked 
by every token of respectful and friendly greeting 
from members of the reigning family.^ 

" We have much to do to set our house in 
order," he writes in April to his mother, "and 
I foresee stirring times in which I must take a 
foremost part." The new Resident at Haidarabad 
took up the work that lay before him with his 
usual vigour and enlightened zeal. Chief among 
the fruits of his earlier labours were the reduction 
of taxes on inland produce brought to the British 
camp at Karachi, the relief of the Indus traffic 
from excessive tolls, and the beginnings of a friendly 
understanding with Mir Sher Muhammad of Mirpur, 
which ripened in the following year into a treaty 
warmly approved by the Indian Government, and 
gratefully indorsed by the Secret Committee in 
Leadenhall Street.^ " The documents," wrote the 
Committee, " relating to the renunciation by the 
Amir of Mirpur of the right to levy tolls on the 
Indus, furnished additional proof of the zeal and 

^ Goldsmid. 

2 In this street stood the old India House, from which the Court 
of Directors through their Secret Committee dictated or controlled 
the actions of their servants in all parts of India. 


ability with which Major Outram discharges his 
important functions." ^ 

Meanwhile Outram's anxiety regarding the pro- 
gress of Kiissian arms and intrigues in Central 
Asia had been allayed by the disastrous issue of 
Perovski's march across the Turkman steppes upon 
Khiva. "We shall now have plenty of time," he 
writes to his mother in July 1840, "to render 
secure our new positions on the Indus at any 
rate, if not in Afghanistan, which is and will 
be for some time to come internally very disturbed. 
. . . Maggy has of course announced her arrival in 
Bombay. ... I am preparing a good house in a 
nice garden overhanging the banks of the Indus, 
and as our communications now will be rapid and 
easy by steamer, I think we may make it out 
tolerably well by going to Karachi on the coast 
for the hot months always, where the climate is 
then delightful. ... I see no reason for fearing 
that I shall not be able to pay you a visit in 
three years at the outside, for by that time I 
shall be sure of high employment when I return 
to India." 

His hopes, however, of a speedy reunion with his 
wife had to be deferred for several months. It was 
not until December of that year that the building 
and furnishing of the new Residency had been com- 
pleted. At last, however, at the close of January 
1841, his wife entered the new home which Outram 
had prepared for her. He still clung to the hope 
that as soon as Haidarabad grew too hot for her 
personal comfort she might be able to recruit her 
strength among the cool sea-breezes at Karachi. 

^ Outram Testimonials. 


Early in June Mrs Outram fled to Karachi, 
whither her husband hoped to follow her before 
long. " Unfortunately," he writes to his mother, 
"I am unable to leave my post at present, but 
then I don't care for heat. I shall join Margaret 
at Karachi as soon as I can get away." After a 
few months spent at Karachi under the roof of 
Brigadier Farquharson, Mrs Outram returned to 
Bombay, " where I hope," writes her husband, " she 
will be comfortable in a house she has hired for 
herself till she goes home, which she purposes doing 
either in January or March, and I confidently trust 
to join her there in two years, for everything 
promises a successful work to me in settling this 
country, and I consider that time ample." ^ 

Besides her delicate health, Outram had yet 
another reason for sending his wife away on a 
long leave of absence from her husband's side. 
Lord Auckland's confidence in the agent of his 
own appointing had already declared itself in an 
order placing the whole of Sind, with the trans- 
montane province of Khelat, under Outram's polit- 
ical charge. Outram saw that his new sphere of 
duty would make imperious demands upon his 
time and strength in a country which offered no 
fit resting-place for an invalid wife. As early as 
August 18 he had taken a hasty leave of the 
Haidarabad Amirs, and given his last instructions 
to Captain Leckie concerning the proper treatment 
of those princes. The kindly and generous spirit 
of those instructions may be inferred from one of 
the most pathetic incidents in Outram's career. 

On December 5, 1840, died Nur Muhammad 

^ Outram Papers. 


Khan, the acknowledged head of the Haidarabad 
Amirs, whose okl distrust of England's policy had 
given place under Outram's soothing influence to 
a feeling of sincere friendship for his powerful 
neighbour. On the mornino- before his death " the 
Amir," writes Outram, " evidently feeling that we 
could not meet again, embraced me most fervently, 
and spoke distinctly to the following purport in 
the presence of Doctor Owen and the other Amirs : 
' You are to me as my brother Nasir Khan, and 
the grief of this sickness is equally felt by you 
and Nasir Khan : from the days of Adam no one 
has known so great truth and friendship as I 
have found in you.' I replied, ' Your Highness has 
proved your friendship to my Government and my- 
self by your daily acts. You have considered me 
as a brother ; I feel for your highness, and night 
and day grieve for your sickness ; ' to which he 
added, ' My friendship for the British is known to 
God, my conscience is clear before God.' The 
Amir still retained me in his feeble embrace for 
a few moments, and after takinsf some medicine 
from my hand, again embraced me, as if with 
the conviction that we could not meet again." ^ 

For some days before the Amir's death, Outram 
had been a regular visitor at his bedside. On one 
of such occasions the dying prince beckoned his 
brother Nasir Khan, and his youngest son Husain 
Ali, to his side. "He then took a hand of each," 
says Outram, " and placed them in mine, saying, 
' You are their father and brother, you will protect 
them,' to which I replied in general but warm terms 
of personal friendship." 

^ Despatch of December 6, 1840, to the Government of India. 


During a second visit to the Amir on the same 
evenino; Husain Ali came into the room "and 
whispered in the ear of his father, who smiled, and 
informed me that the Khanum (the mother of his 
sons) sent to say she hailed me as her brother with 
much gratification, to which I made a suitable 
acknowledgment. On inquiry afterwards I learned 
that this is considered an extraordinary proof of 
friendship, such as has never heretofore been dis- 
played except to the nearest relations." ^ 

How rightly Nur Muhammad reckoned upon 
Outram's loyal friendship, and how nobly Outram 
struggled, for his dead friend's sake as well as Eng- 
land's honour, to avert misfortune from the family 
thus bequeathed to his guardian care, the reader of 
these pages will learn later on. 

In the latter part of August 1841 the new Agent 
for Upper Sind and Khelat was speeding up the 
Indus to Sakhar, whence on the morning of the 
25th he started on camel-back for a ride of 250 
miles across Sind to Quetta, on the farther side of 
the Bolan Pass. Accompanied by one hardy serv- 
ant, also mounted on a camel, he reached Dadar at 
the foot of the Bolan in five days. The journey 
was accomplished " at a season of the year," says 
a well-informed writer, " when most men would 
have reo;arded an order to undertake it as little 
short of sentence of death." 

Halting for two days at Dadar, he pushed on 
through the Bolan Pass, which no one hitherto had 
dreamed of entering without a strong escort, and 
arrived at Quetta on September 2. On learning 
the issue of this adventurous ride in the hottest 

1 Despatch of December 6, 1840, to the Government of India. 


season of the year, Lord Auckland wrote to express 
his " satisfaction at the promptitude with which you 
have joined the headquarters of your office." 

At Quetta Outram's first care was to conciliate 
the young prince, Nasir Khan of Khelat, whose 
father, Mihrfib Khan, had fallen two years before 
in defence of his own capital. After the fall of 
Khelat the young Brahui prince, scorning sub- 
mission to Shah Shuja, had led the remnant of his 
followers into the hill country about the Bolan. 
For many months the brave young prince strove, 
not always unsuccessfully, to avenge his father's 
wrongs upon the invaders of his father's realm. 
Khelat itself fell for a time into his hands, and 
several parties of British sepoys were waylaid and 
destroyed or put to flight. But the recapture of 
Khelat by Nott, and the crushing defeat of his faith- 
ful highlanders at Mustang, sent Nasir Khan a heart- 
sick wanderer amonsj the wilds of Biluchistan. 

The Indian Government still had a conscience, 
and offered for a small consideration to acknowledge 
Nasir Khan's title to the greater part of his father's 
dominions. But the son of Mihrab Khan was slow 
to accept the proffered friendship of his victorious 
foes. It was only a few weeks before Outram's 
arrival at Quetta that Nasir Khan could bring him- 
self to comply with Colonel Stacy's earnest invita- 
tions to a friendly conference on the future of Khelat. 

At last, on September 4, 1841, the young Khan 
was met by Colonel Stacy and conducted with all 
due ceremony into Quetta, where a friendly message 
awaited him from Major Outram. Next morning 
at a darbar, attended by several British officers of 
rank, he was introduced to the new Political Agent, 


who received him with every mark of respectful 
courtesy. " The youth," writes Colonel Stacy, 
" was rather embarrassed at first, but on Major 
Outram's assuring him of the kindly feelings of 
Government towards him, he expressed his desire 
to become an ally of the Company," of whose justice 
and liberality he had often heard. " He had come," 
he added, "to enrol himself amongst the number 
of their servants, to live under the shade of their 
flag ; and he was willing to agree to whatever terms 
the Company might prescribe." ^ 

Outram's kindly words and frank geniality took 
the young prince's heart as it were by storm. His 
old distrust of the man who had played a con- 
spicuous part in the assault upon his father's capital 
gave place to a feeling of utter confidence in this 
new friend, whose quiet sympathy lightened the 
burden of his sorrows, while his cheery counsel in- 
spired him with the hope of brighter days to come. 

Escorted by a body of British troops, the young 
Khan was duly conducted by Outram to Khelat, 
where, in the presence of his chief sirdars, he signed 
the treaty of friendship between himself and the 
East India Company. On the same afternoon he 
was publicly installed by Outram in the seat of 
his ancestors. After the ceremony the Khan 
shook hands with each of the British officers there 
assembled, while a royal salute was fired in good 
style from his Highness's own guns. " The young 
chief," says Outram, " was visibly afi'ected — almost 
to tears — by the good feeling displayed towards 
him by the English gentlemen."^ 

^ Colonel Stacy's letter, quoted by Goldsmid. 
2 Outram's letter to Mr John Colvin. 


So successful were the measures taken by Outram, 
that he won the hearts not only of the Khan him- 
self, but of all his Brahui nobles, who had been 
fiercely exasperated by the slaughters of 1839 and 
the sack of Khelat.^ It was this act of timely con- 
ciliation which saved from disaster the troops of 
Nott and England in the dark days that were 
about to follow. 

In the middle of October Outram quitted Khelat 
for Dadar, where for a time he established his head- 
quarters, and busied himself in keeping order and 
guarding the roads between Sind and Biluchistan 
against the marauding tribes that infested the 
mountain passes. He had hardly settled down to 
his work on the Sind frontier when the first mutter- 
ings of a storm that boded mischief to our garri- 
sons beyond the Khaiber caught his attentive ear. 
Emissaries from Kabul and Kandahar were already 
passing down to Quetta and Northern Sind, preach- 
ing a holy war against Shah Shuja and his English 
allies. While Macnaghten was reporting " all quiet 
from Dan to Beersheba," Outram had learned enough 
to convince him that nearly all Afghanistan was 
seething with rebellion, against a monarch whose 
sole claim to his people's allegiance rested on a few 
thousand British bayonets, backed by a score or 
two of British guns. 

On November 2, 1841, at the moment when he 
was about to succeed Sir William Macnaghten as 
envoy to Shah Shuja, Sir Alexander Burnes fell a 
victim to the policy which he had once opposed. 
The help which he had asked for from the canton- 
ments outside Kabul never came, and he was cut 

^ Outram Services. 


to pieces by a furious Afghan mob, in the vain 
attempt to pass through them disguised as an 
Afghan. That murderous outbreak in Kabul city 
was to mark the beginning of a period perhaps the 
most sorrowful in the history of British India before 
the great Mutiny of 1857. It became the signal 
for a revolt which spread unchecked day by day in 
the face of some 5000 good fighting men outside the 
city, whose leaders proved quite incapable of acting 
promptly for a common end. 

It seemed as if the Nemesis of triumphant wrong- 
doing had suddenly found us out, and paralysed the 
hands and brains of our civil and military chiefs 
at Kabul. The rout of our mishandled troops 
at Behmaru on November 23 was followed by weeks 
of divided counsels and palsied inaction within a 
beleaguered intrenchment, held by a garrison be- 
numbed with cold, hunger, and despair. One last 
wild effort made by Macnaghten on December 23 to 
secure safety for our starving people by sowing 
dissensions among their foes was rewarded by the 
pistol-shot which ended his own life and sealed the 
doom of Elphinstone's dwindling army. 

It is needless here infandum renovare dolorem 
with a detailed account of the yet darker days that 
followed the envoy's death. On the morning of 
January 6, 1842, in compliance with a treaty signed 
by the leading Afghan chiefs, some 4500 Europeans 
and sepoys, with nearly 100 women and children 
and 11,000 camp-followers, marched off from Kabul 
through the falling snow towards a country which 
very few of them were ever to behold again. On 
the 13th of the same month some men of Sale's 
garrison at Jalalabad descried a solitary horseman 


feebly urging his jaded pony towards the walls of 
that friendly stronghold. It proved to be Dr Bryden, 
the only man of Elphinstone's army who had fought 
his way through a week of fearful suffering from 
Afghan savagery, aided by an Afghan winter, to a 
place of rest and safety on the road to Peshawar. 
Of the thousands that left Kabul on January 6, 120 
men, women, and children survived as prisoners in 
the hands of Muhammad Akbar. 

Very few of the camp - followers survived the 
horrors of that awful retreat, which had soon turned 
into a wild pell-mell rush through passes blocked 
with snow, and crowned with Afghan marksmen 
greedy for revenge and plunder. Of the sepoy 
regiments a few score frost-bitten wretches strasjgled 
ultimately into Peshawar. 

The tidings of that great disaster, the most 
shameful which had ever yet befallen our arms in 
Asia, sent a thrill of wrathful dismay through every 
English heart in India. " I have proved a false 
prophet," wrote Outram on February 10 to Sir 
James Carnac, " as regards the issue of affairs at 
Kabul ; but who could conceive that 5000 British 
troops would deliberately commit suicide, which 
literally has been the fate of the Kabul garrison ? 
From first to last such a tissue of political and 
military mismanagement the history of the world 
has never shown, and such dire disgrace never here- 
tofore blotted the British page." 

"Had we retained our hold on the Bjila Hisar, 
doubtless our troops in the camp when at the last 
extremity would have cut their way to the fort- 
ress ; so we can only account for their not doing 
so by the circumstance of the Shah — in whose 


power we so foolishly placed it — having refused us 
refuge ! 

" Being cut off from that retreat, and devoid 
of supplies, I can imagine the troops becoming 
dispirited, and at last driving their leaders to 
seek for terms ; but I could not have believed 
that any British officers could have consented to 
such terms as appear to have been entered into ; 
shackling their country by conditions which it is 
dishonourable — and will be a vital blow to our 
power in India — to abide by ; besides being in 
every respect the most disgraceful treaty that 
Britons with arms in their hands ever submitted 
to, — that too after proof of the utter futility of all 
such engagements with their savage enemies, in the 
murder of our envoy and attack on our camp during 
the armistice." 

In the same letter he rejoices to hear that General 
Sale has refused to evacuate Jalalabad ; and he hopes 
that General Nott will hold Kandahar and Khelat-i- 
Ghilzai, " where there is nothing to fear." But he 
has grave doubts concerning the safety of Ghazni, 
and fears that Colonel Palmer's garrison will pay 
the penalty of our recent blunders in Kabul. 
" Within my own charge," he adds, " I confidently 
trust to all going well, notwithstanding the volcanoes 
around us." 

In order to prove that he had not been a false 
prophet except in one particular, Outram encloses 
" extracts from my correspondence from Afghanistan, 
when we first entered that country in 1839, from 
which you will see that I then predicted everything 
that has come to pass so far as the Afghans are 
concerned, though certainly I never could have 



believed that our troops in that country could be 
humbled to such a depth of degradation ! " ^ 

A few days earlier he had written to his mother : 
" Let me again assure you that you have no cause 
to be anxious about my charge or myself because 
of what has happened at Kabul, which you will 
learn by this opportunity. This country is a level 
plain, below the passes, where successful opposition 
never could be made to our troops. At Kandahar 
we have an ovcrwhelmino; force which nothinof in 
Afghanistan could conquer, and at Quetta we have 
a strong brigade posted in such a manner that the 
position is impregnable, and while we hold those 
positions there is no fear of disturbance in the 
countries below the passes, besides which there is 
no fellow-feeling between the Afghans and Biltichis, 
and troops are pouring into the country from 
Gujerat and Karachi which nothing in Sind could 
withstand or would attempt to oppose. Conse- 
quently the Amirs would not dare to rebel. Be 
under no anxiety, therefore, on my account, my 
dearest mother ; the outbreak at Kabul I foretold, 
and recorded the prophecy three years ago, but 
we are far differently situated in Sind and in this 
country. I expect to have everything settled in 
this quarter by about the end of the month, when 
I shall move to Sakliar and get under cover of a 
house for the hot season, unless I may have to go 
up to Khelat, which I don't think likely." 

On February 20, 1842, the retiring Governor- 
General, Lord Auckland, wrote Outram a farewell 
letter declaring his " assurance that you have, from 

* Selections from the Private Correspondence of Lieut.-Colonel 
Outram, concerning aflairs in Afghanistan and Sind. 1839-42. 


day to day, since your late appointment, added to 
that high estimate with which I have long regarded 
your character, and which led me to place confi- 
dence in you. It is mortifying and galling to me 
to feel that plans, which you had nearly brought 
to successful maturity, for great improvement, for 
the consolidation of security and influence, for the 
happiness of the population of immense tracts, and 
for your own and our honour, should be endangered 
by events of which our military history has happily 
no parallel. You will, I know, do well in the 
storm ; and, I trust, that as far as the interests 
confided to you are concerned, you will enable us 
to weather it." ^ 

How richly Outram repaid the confidence thus 
accorded him a sympathetic historian has set forth 
in glowing words : " Outram was supreme in Sind, 
and a heavy weight of responsibility fell upon him. 
But he was equal to the occasion. His was it in 
that conjuncture not only to maintain the peace 
and security of the country immediately under his 
political care, but to aid our imperilled countrymen 
in the territory beyond the Biliichi passes. He 
stood on the highroad to Kandahar. If that road 
had been closed, if Sind and Biluchistan had risen 
against us, it would have gone hard with our 
beleaguered garrisons in Western Afghanistan. But 
the country did not rise ; and Outram, all his 
energies roused into intense action, grieving over 
the dishonour that was falling upon the nation, and 
vehemently protesting against the recreant counsels 
of those who would have withdrawn our beaten 
army within the British frontier without chastising 

^ Outram Testimonials. 


the insolence of our enemies, did miglity service, 
at a most critical time, by throwing troops, stores, 
ammunition, and money into Kandahar." ^ 

Speaking in the House of Lords, February 26, 
1843, Lord Auckland declared that "to no man 
in a public office was the public service under 
greater obligations than to ]\Iajor Outram ; a more 
distinguished servant of the public did not exist, 
and one more eminent in a long career. Major 
Outram exerted himself in collecting camels and 
stores ; from Rajputana, Jindpur, and other places 
3000 camels were obtained, and marched on April 
10 from Sakhar to Quetta, and thence to Kandahar ; 
and with these camels General Nott was enabled 
to effect his march [to Kabul], for which he was 
indebted, in a great degree, to the promptitude and 
zeal with which Major Outram acted." ^ 

He protested again and again with honest fervour 
against Lord EUenborough's avowed intention to 
retire from Afghanistan without making an effort 
to retrieve the tarnished honour of our arms, or 
to rescue the British captives from the hands of 
the Afghans. " Nothing is easier," he wrote on 
one occasion, " than to retrieve our honour in 
Afghanistan, and I pray God Lord Ellenborough 
may at once see the damnable policy of shirking 
the undertaking." 

In the course of February 1842 Outram had been 
specially active in furnishing General England with 
all needful means for the march of a strong 
brigade through the Bolan Pass to Quetta, in 
charge of ample treasure and supplies for Nott's 
garrison at Kandahar. His one anxiety at this 

^ Cornbill Magazine, January 1861. - Outram Testimonials. 


time v/as to strengthen Nott's hands at Kandahar 
in the hope of bolder counsels prevailing at Cal- 
cutta. Happily for Outram's peace of mind, as 
well as the national honour, Lord Ellenborough's 
views regarding the Afghan problem were not 
shared by the two veterans who were burning for 
an opportunity to vindicate the national honour in 
spite of the Governor - General himself. General 
Nott was of one mind with Outram in his resolu- 
tion to hold his ground at Kandahar against all 
assailants until events should compel him to cut 
his way back to Quetta. General George Pollock, 
an old Artillery officer who had fought under 
Lord Lake and done good service in Nipal and 
Burmah, was now intrusted with the task of lead- 
ing a British army through the Khaibar Pass and 
joining hands with Sale at Jalalabad. He, too, had 
a will of his own which enabled him in due time 
to carry his victorious troops a good deal further 
than Lord Ellenborough had at first designed. 

Outram's letters of this period to friends or 
fellow - workers in all parts of India show how 
strenuously he pleaded for that free hand which 
Lord Ellenborough still shrank from granting to 
our commanders in Afghanistan. Whether he 
writes to his old friend Mr J. P. Willoughby at 
Bombay, to his able assistant Captain Hammersley 
at Quetta, to Captain Henry Lawrence at Peshawar, 
or to Mr Herbert Maddock of the Bengal Secretariat, 
he is always harping on the ease with which Nott 
and Pollock could march on Kabul from opposite 
quarters to avenge the disasters and the shame of 
the past winter, and to rescue our compatriots from 
a prolonged and cruel captivity. 


In his letter of March 13 to Mr (afterwards Sir 
Herbert) Maddock he speaks of a severe illness from 
which he had just recovered in time to leave Dadar 
for the more central, if even hotter, neighbourhood 
of Sakhar. During the fierce heats of a Sindian 
June he travelled all the way back from Sakhar to 
Quetta, where he arrived on the 11th, two days after 
the despatch thence of a large convoy of camels for 
Kandahar. By that time he knew that Nott was 
in " direct and quick communication with General 
Pollock " at Jalalabad. The two generals under- 
stood each other : Lord Ellenborough's latest order 
had allowed them to stand fast until October. 
Meanwhile they still hoped that something might 
induce his wavering lordship again to modify his 
own plans in compliance with the pressure which 
they and their friends might yet bring to bear 
upon the Indian Government. 

They had not to wait long for the next swing 
of the official pendulum. On July 4 the Governor- 
General issued from Allahabad an order which re- 
lieved many a brave heart from torturing suspense, 
and virtually gave his two generals the free hand 
which they had wellnigh despaired of obtaining. 
The old order for withdrawal was still to hold 
good ; but Nott was allowed, at his own risk, to 
choose between retiring into Sind by way of Quetta, 
and retiring to Peshawar by way of Ghazni and 
Kabul. Pollock, for his part, was empowered to 
move forward in concert with Nott, should that 
officer " decide upon adopting the line of retirement 
by Ghazni and Kabul." ^ 

1 Afghan Papers. 


It is hardly necessary to say that neither general 
shrank from accepting the grave responsibility thus 
laid upon his shoulders by a Governor bent on 
proving his own consistency at the expense of his 
moral courage. On August 9, at the head of 8000 
choice troops of all arms, Nott began his memorable 
march upon Ghazni and Kabul, leaving England 
to conduct his spare troops, guns, and stores back 
to Quetta, on their way home through Sind. 
Eleven days later. Pollock also led his avenging 
army, strengthened by Sale's garrison, out of Jalal- 
abad, timing his forward movements so as to keep 
step with the force advancing from Kandahar. 

Meanwhile Outram at Quetta was slowly recover- 
ing from a dangerous illness brought on by " the 
worry of mind and body to which I had been 
incessantly exposed of late, and watching by the 
deathbed of poor Hammersley for several nights." 

On England's first advance in April from Quetta 
towards Kandahar he retired in haste before a few 
hundred tribesmen defending a breastwork which his 
own troops could have carried with little loss. In 
excuse for his own shortcomings he complained that 
Hammersley had failed to warn him of the enemy's 
movements. Hammersley became the scapegoat for 
England's default of duty. The Government ordered 
his removal from political employ ; but Outram, 
resenting the injustice done to a zealous public 
servant, retained him at his post on the plea that 
his presence there was absolutely needed. Outram's 
noble disregard of orders, and his persistent plead- 
ings on behalf of his injured friend, were rewarded 
only by a semi-official reprimand. The subsequent 


illness and death of Hammersley may have helped 
to account for the brain fever of which Outram 
so nearly died. 

In the first days of October, however, we find 
Outram in the field again, leading a body of Brahui 
horsemen to guard the flanks of England's column 
on its march homeward throus^h the Bolan Pass 
into the plains of Sind.^ 

' Outram Services. 




The injustice done to Hammersley by the Indian 
Government was not the only cause of Outram's 
bitterness against the posturing Proconsul, who 
cherished a lofty scorn of the whole race of public 
servants known in India as Politicals. In fulfil- 
ment of the pledges given by Lord Auckland, Major 
Outram had secured the loyalty of the young Khan 
of Khelat and his Brahui followers by restoring the 
whole of the Shal valley to the son of its former 
ruler. " I complain," he writes to Colonel Suther- 
land on September 29, " not of being bandied like a 
racket-ball up and down this infernal pass, because 
it is my duty to go wherever it is thought I am 
most required ; but I do complain of the lackey 
style in which I am treated by the Governor- 
General ; of the bitter reproof he so lavishly 
bestows on me when he thinks me wrong and I 
know I am right ; of the withering neglect with 
which he treats the devoted services of those in my 
department; of the unjust sacrifice of one of my 
most deserving assistants ; of the unceremonious 
dismissal of five others without any communication 
to myself whatever on the subject. 


" Such treatment, caused solely by his lordship's 
vexation at my advocacy of the advance on Kabul 
and poor Hammersley's cause, would have goaded 
many men to madness ; but I verily believe it has 
been the resurrection of me from the very jaws of 
death — like Marryat's middy — for, when in extreme 
danger the other day (brought on, by the bye, by 
attendance on the deathbed of poor Hammersley, 
whose death the medical men declare was acceler- 
ated, if not positively caused, by the treatment he 
received), the most insulting letter I ever received 
in my life, and which I am sure Mr Maddock, or 
any other gentleman secretary, would not have 
penned of his own accord, arrived ; my eager desire 
to reply to which gave a fillip to my system from 
which I benefited at any rate." 

Outram's reply to his lordship's censure w^ould, he 
declares, have ensured his destruction " had it con- 
tained anything that could be refuted ; but, on 
the contrary, elicited only acknowledgment, an 
apology being due for a positive and unfounded 

Pushing on ahead of England's troops, he reached 
Dadar on October 7. Leaving; Dadar on the even- 
ing of the 10th, he breakfasted at Sakhar on the 
morninfr of the 12th. Here for the first time he 
met the redoubtable Sir Charles Napier, whom 
Ellenborough had already intrusted with the 
supreme control of all civil and military affairs 
in Sind. The two men seem at that time to have 
been agreed on the policy to be pursued towards 
the Amirs. " Major Outram," writes Napier, " is 
of my opinion, and I like him much, for that reason 

^ Outram's Private Correspondence. 


probably, for I confess not to like those who differ 
in opinion with me." ^ 

Outram was also satisfied with his new acquaint- 
ance. " I have now," he writes to George Clerk on 
October 16, "a most able and upright coadjutor in 
General Napier, a man after my own heart, and 
under whom I consider it an honour to serve." 

In the same letter he congratulates his corre- 
spondent on his promotion, " who felt so deeply our 
national degradation, and so nobly advocated the 
only honourable course we could pursue for the 
retrieval of our fame, and rescue of our captive 
countrymen. Thank God, we have escaped from 
the lowest depth of degradation into which we were 
about at one time to plunge, and should have sunk, 
had it not been for the stand against it made by our 
generals in Afghanistan, backed by the advocacy of 
such men as Mr Maddock and yourself." 

Writing to Willoughby on the 22nd, he says : 
" Sir Charles and I are working heartily together to 
put matters on a better footing in Sind, for which a 
new treaty will be necessary; and I think we have 
grounds sufficient to warrant dictating our own 
terms. /, however, ostensibly have nothing to 
say to the matter, his lordship having apparently 
thrown me overboard, and no longer addresses me 
on any subject ! " 

By this time, however, the blow which Outram 
had foreseen was about to fall upon him. In spite 
of Ellenborough's previous assurances, Outram was 
suddenly removed from his post. " His lordship 
having failed in convicting me of any fault," he 

^ Life of General Sir Charles Napier, G.C.B. By William Napier 
Bruce. Murray, London. 


writes to Willoughby, on October 26, " has recourse 
to a general measure by which he sweeps me off 
with the whole department. A * new-broom measure,' 
which it will take some trouble hereafter to remedy 
the effects of. 

" As I before told you I should do, I return to my 
regiment a poorer man than when I left it twenty 
years ago, but with a lighter heart than I have 
enjoyed for some months past. I feel emancipated 
from bondasce of the most desfraded nature, and 
am only too much obliged to Lord Ellenborough 
for saving me from breaking my own head by 

Before leaving Sind Outram placed before Sir C. 
Napier a full and clear statement of our relations 
with the Amirs, and of the measures w^hich Napier 
and himself had deemed requisite for the readjust- 
ment of those relations. Napier's testimony to the 
help which Outram had given him was amply rend- 
ered in his letter of October 28 : "I cannot allow 
3^ou to leave this command without expressing to 
you the high sense I entertain of your zeal and 
abilities in the public service, and of the obligations 
I personally feel towards you, for the great assist- 
ance you have so kindly and so diligently afforded 
me ; thereby diminishing in every way the diffi- 
culties that I have had to encounter, as your suc- 
cessor in the political department of Sind." ^ 

At Sakhar Outram counted many friends and 
admirers among the officers under Napier's com- 
mand. On November 4, 1842, they invited him to 
a grand farewell dinner, at which Napier himself 
presided. After the Queen's health had been drunk 

^ Outram Services. 


with all the honours, the gallant chairman delivered 
the following speech : — 

" Gentlemen, I have told you that there are only 
to be two toasts drunk this evening. One, that of a 
lady, the Queen, you have already responded to ; 
the other shall be for a gentleman. But, before I 
proceed any further, I must tell you a story. In 
the fourteenth century there was, in the French 
army, a knight renowned for deeds of gallantry in 
w^ar, and wisdom in council ; indeed, so deservedly 
famous was he that, by general acclamation, he was 
called the knight sa^is peur et sans reproche. The 
name of this knight you may all know was the 
Chevalier Bayard. Gentlemen, I give you the 
Bayard of India, sans peur et sans reproche, Major 
James Outram, of the Bombay army." 

The applause which greeted these words of the 
veteran warrior testified to the hearty response they 
evoked from nearly a hundred throats. Outram 
was deeply moved by the cheers that emphasised 
Napier's crowning compliment. For some moments 
after rising to acknowledge the toast he stood as if 
dumb before his expectant audience. The speech 
when it did come glowed with a natural eloquence 
of a full and grateful heart. In acknowledging the 
honour paid him " by such a man as Sir Charles 
Napier, and so cordially echoed by such an assembly," 
he accepted it only on behalf of the ' ' political corps 
of Sind and Biluchistan, of which I was till lately 
the chief, and receive it as a generous requiem on 
the demise of that body." 

He went on to thank the officers of the Indian 
army for the help they had so generously rendered 
in maintaining the peace of the provinces intrusted 


to his charge. " We now depart from this country," 
he added, " with the innate gratification of knowing 
that during our administration, and throughout the 
most exciting period the pages of our Indian history 
can show, that not a human life has been sacrificed 
within the limits of Biluchistan (beyond that of 
criminals formally executed) ; that not a particle of 
property has been pillaged, not a habitation has 
been destroyed, not a field has been laid waste, and 
that the population has been converted from our 
bitterest foes to friends who now crave British 

"As to myself, gentlemen, I say with truth that 
although I now return to my regiment a poorer 
man than I left it three years ago, 1 do so a far 
prouder man than I had ever hoped I could have 
acquired the right to hold myself, — proud in the 
best sense of the term, and rendered so by the high 
opinion which has this night been so publicly ex- 
pressed of me by Sir Charles Napier, and so warmly 
responded to by this great company, to the agita- 
tion caused by which I beg you to attribute my 
confused address ; for although prepared to see the 
many gallant comrades who have so kindly met to 
do me honour on this occasion, I certainly never 
could have contemplated so overwhelming a com- 
pliment as was conveyed by the comparison your 
distinguished President was pleased to institute." ^ 

Returning later in the same month to Bombay, 
Outram received the congratulations of his own 
Government on " the satisfactory terms under which 
he had made over his late important charge to Sir 
C. Napier," followed by an assurance "of the high 

' Bombay Times, November 1842. 


gratification which they had derived from observing 
the eminent zeal and ability with which he had dis- 
charged the important duties confided to him dur- 
ing the three last eventful years." ^ The Governor 
himself, Sir George Arthur, hastened to offer him 
the best appointment then at his disposal. But 
Outran! would accept no kindness that might delay 
for an hour longer his return home. 

His arrangements for the voyage were already 
completed, when a sudden message from the 
Governor-General once more frustrated his dearest 
hopes. " Alas ! there is much between the cup 
and the lip in this world," he writes to his mother 
on December 16 ; "I am ordered back to Sind ! not 
asked to suit my own convenience as to going or 
not, but ordered positively to go, in order to 
officiate as a commissioner in negotiating the new 
treaties with the Amirs of Sind ; so go I must, 
much to my disgust, although it is looked upon 
by my friends as much to my advantage, as prov- 
ing to the world (our little Pedlington) that my 
late removal from office was not owing to any fault 
on my part, and that I still retain the confidence of 
Government. . . . 

" I can only refer you for consolation to the 
gratifying account of a public dinner given to me 
here the other day, the largest that has been ever 
given here to any individual except Mr Elphinstone, 
and Sir J. Malcolm, I am told, at which almost 
every male member of the society either attended 
or put down their names as subscribers, and the 
Governor and the Commander-in-Chief each de- 
puted one of their staff on the occasion. I have 

^ Outran! Testimonials. 


been quite overwhelmed with kindness and atten- 
tion, which will far more than compensate me for 
Lord Ellenborough's contumely, and loss of any 
share in the honours which will, I suppose, be 
bestowed on those prominently concerned in the 
Afghan retrieval, for which I beg you wdll not 
make any stir. I really begin to have a contempt 
for such baubles, seeing how they are bestowed. 
I embark for Sind in a steamer at four this after- 
noon, and expect to be at Sakhar by the end of 
the month." 

Outran! arrived at Sakhar on January 3, 1843. 
On the 12th he writes to his mother from Imamgarh, 
"a small fort situated in the midst of the desert 
about 100 miles a little to the eastward of south 
of Khairpur, the capital of Upper Sind, a stronghold 
where the chiefs of Sind are in the habit of taking 
refuge when in rebellion or pressed by foreign in- 
vasion, on which account Sir Charles Napier de- 
termined to destroy the place, and advanced with 
a light force for the purpose in eight marches from 
Diji, where I joined him the day before he started, 
having reached Sakhar on the evening of the 3rd, 
from whence I made his camp on the 4th." ^ 

Napier's daring march across the Sind Desert 
from Diji to Imamgarh was declared by the Duke 
of Wellington to be " one of the most curious mili- 
tary feats he had ever known or read of." On 
January 6, 1843, he set out with a squadron of 
Sind horse, two large howitzers of the camel battery, 
and 350 men of the 22nd Foot mounted on camels, 
two to each in kajmvas or panniers. The eighty 
miles were accomplished in seven marches ; " the 

^ Outram Letters. 


first three," says Outram, " through thick juugle, and 
a not very bad road, the remaining four through 
an ocean of loose sandhills, sometimes very high and 
steep, over which we had much difficulty in taking 
the guns." 

The desert stronghold was found empty, and the 
fortifications were blown up with the powder they 
contained. It was a novel and brilliant feat of 
arms, accomplished without the loss of a single 
man ; and as a means of frightening the Amirs 
into submission it was not without important 

Leaving the ruined fortress on the 16th, Napier 
marched southward to disperse a gathering of 
hostile tribes at Dinghi, a fort about midway be- 
tween Khairpur and Haidarabad. Meanwhile on 
the night of the 15th Outram had been despatched 
by Napier to Khairpur with instructions to summon 
the Amirs of both provinces to appear at that place 
in person, or through their vakils, on January 25, 
in order to complete the new treaty with the Indian 
Government. Resolved to make one more effort 
to save Mir Rustam, the aged chief of the Amirs, 
Outram turned aside to visit the Amir's camp a few 
miles from Diji. " The old chief and all about him 
received me," he says, " very civilly, and appeared 
grateful for the trouble I took on their account, 
but their confidence in me was evidently much 

The intrigues of Rustam's rival, Ali Murad, were 
already doing their work ; and the old chiefs mis- 
trust of his visitor's intentions was further con- 
firmed by Outram's assurance that it was not in his 
power " to alter the arrangements which had already 



been decided by the Governor- General." Outram 
expressed his earnest desire " to settle all details, 
and the arrangement of the territory that remained, 
as much as possible, fairly towards all parties. The 
Amir then remarked, ' What remains to be settled ? 
Our means of livelihood are taken ; ' adding, ' Why 
am I not to continue Rais for the short time I have 
to live ? '" 1 

By the evening of the 16th Outram arrived at 
Diji after a journey of ninety miles, completed on 
one camel through a hostile country, with two 
Biliichi horsemen for his escort. By January 25 
not a single Amir from Upper Sind had responded to 
Outram's summons for the meeting at Khairpur; the 
term of grace was extended by Napier to February 6. 
Meanwhile Outram at his own request was allowed 
to go on to Haidarabad. " I am sure," wrote 
Napier, " they will not resist by force of arms, 
but I would omit no one step that you or any one 
thinks can prevent that chance." 

Reaching "Haidarabad on February 8, Outram at 
once held a series of conferences with the Amirs 
of both provinces. The Commissioner tried his best 
to dissuade the assembled princes from demanding 
redress for the wrongs inflicted on their beloved 
Rais, Mir Rustam, through the treachery of his 
younger brother Ali Murad. Unless the turban 
were restored to Rustam, and the march of Napier's 
troops at once arrested, they could not restrain their 
BiKichi soldiery from plundering far and wide. At 
last, however, on February 12, the hateful treaty 
w^as signed and sealed in Outram's presence by 
nearly all the leading Amirs. On his way back 

^ Goldsmid. 


from the port where the treaty had been signed 
Outram and his officers were assailed with curses 
by a crowd of citizens and soldiers, who were hardly 
restrained from bloodshed by the presence of an 
escort furnished from the Amirs' own troops. 

On the following day the Amirs sent to warn 
the Commissioner that their Biltichi soldiers were 
getting out of hand. If Major Outram stayed at 
the Eesidency they could not answer for the result. 
Outram assured the Amirs' messengers that their 
masters would be held responsible for the conduct 
of their subjects. As for retiring from the Eesi- 
dency, he declared that he would not budge an inch, 
nor place an additional sentry at his door. 

On the morning of the 15th large bodies of horse 
and foot, numbering about 8000, were seen ad- 
vancing towards the Residency compound, a square 
enclosure skirted on three sides by a wall barely 
five feet high ; while the fourth looked upon the 
river, whence the company's steamer the Planet 
could rake the enemy at need with the fire from 
her single twelve-pounder. For more than three 
hours Outram's slender garrison of 100 men, the 
light company of the 22nd Foot and a small body 
of Sepoys, the whole commanded by the gallant 
Captain Conway, nobly stood their ground against 
overwhelming odds. By that time the ammunition 
was running very short, and the Satellite steamer 
had reached the scene of conflict without any fresh 
supplies of men or cartridges. Meanwhile the 
enemy were bringing up some guns to bear upon 
the Residency itself. The next hour, 12 to 1 p.m., 
was spent by the little garrison in masking their 
retreat with all the baggage from a position no 


longer tenable. " It was resolved," wrote Outram, 
"as a preparatory measure, to abandon the front 
positions of the compound. Accordingly, at a pre- 
concerted signal, the parties posted there fell back 
to the Residency, which then became the front line 
of defence. 

" The hour allotted for carrying off the baggage 
having terminated, the retreat was sounded, on 
which all posts except one were abandoned, and 
the men closed in double march at a gate ap- 
pointed. When formed, Captain Conway marched 
the party by sections to the river front of the still 
guarded post, and then marched in column directly 
clown to the steamer, the march being the signal 
for the last batch of defenders to drop from the 
windows and cover the retiring column by skirmish- 
ing to the rear in extended order." 

By this time the enemy had placed three guns 
under the trees in front of the gate where our 
soldiers had last formed. " But their fire," adds 
Outram, "was almost entirely kept under by the 
Planet's single twelve-pounder ; and the detachment 
was embarked without loss, the wounded and corpses 
of the slain having been previously removed on 

Outram's whole loss in those four hours of con- 
tinuous fighting amounted only to three men killed, 
twelve wounded, and four camp-followers missing ; 
while the enemy had lost more than sixty killed, 
and probably four times as many wounded. Thus, 
in spite of every advantage, the assailants had 
completely failed, in Outram's words, " to force an 
imperfect low -walled enclosure of 200 yards square, 
defended by only 100 men against countless numbers 


possessing commanding positions and cover up to 
our walls on three sides." ^ 

On February 1 6 Outram and his gallant little band 
arrived at Mattiri, sixteen miles above Haidarabad. 
Here they fell in with the advanced - guard of 
Napier's army. On the same day he reported 
himself to Sir Charles Napier, whose admiration of 
his recent exploit is thus recorded in his subsequent 
despatch of the victory of Miani : " The defence of 
the Residency by Major Outram and the small force 
with him, against such numbers of the enemy, was 
so admirable that I have scarcely mentioned it in 
the foregoing despatch, because I propose to send 
your lordship a detailed account of it, as a brilliant 
example of defending a military post." 

In compliance with his chiefs instructions, Outram 
started on the same night with 200 men to set fire 
to the woods of the Shikargah, or hunting-ground of 
the Amirs, which were supposed to cover the flank 
of the Amirs' forces. Throughout the greater part of 
the next day, famous in history for the battle of 
Miani, he was employed in trying to destroy a large 
tract of forest, which, owing to the absence of wind, 
"burned," he says, "very slowly and partially. We 
only saw one body of about 500 of the enemy, who 
made off on observing our approach ; we heard firing 
in the direction of the army, which continued till 

1 P.M." 

He would have taken his men round the forest so 
as to fall upon the retreating enemy. " The officers, 
however, considered their men too much knocked up 
to attempt an enterprise involving a farther march 
of some miles. We returned to our vessels about 

1 Outram Papers. Marshman's History of India. 


sunset, and shortly after learned from the natives 
the severe action which had taken place." 

Napier held that Outram's operations " would 
have been most important to the result of the battle. 
However, the enemy had moved about eight miles 
to their right during the night, and Major Outram 
executed his task without difficulty at the hour 
appointed — viz., nine o'clock — and from the field 
we observed the smoke of the burning wood arise. 
I am strongly inclined to think that this circum- 
stance had some effect on the enemy. But it de- 
prived me of the able services of Major Outram, 
Captain Green, and Lieutenants Brown and Wells, 
together with 200 men, which I much regretted for 
their sakes." 

On the 18th Outram rejoined the victor of Miani, 
encamped on the Indus within striking distance of 
Haidarabad. The field of battle, through which his 
road lay, " plainly showed, in the bright moonlight, 
from the heaps of slain covering it, how severely 
contested the action must have been. We were 
soon in possession of the particulars of this very 
sanguinary, at one time doubtful, and finally de- 
cisive conflict. Our loss, in proportion to the 
numbers engaged, was very heavy : 19 officers and 
25G men, and 95 horses killed and wounded out of 
about 2700 actually in the field. There were many 
chiefs, and upwards of 5000 killed and wounded 
of the enemy." 

By noon of the same day several of the Haid- 
arabad Amirs had surrendered on the only terms — 
** life, and nothing else " — which Napier would deign 
to grant them. The swords which they had laid at 
the stern old warrior's feet were at once returned to 


them ; and one of their number, Husain Ali Khan, 
was forthwith set free at Outram's own intercession, 
" out of respect to the memory of his late father, 
Mir Nur Muhammad, who on his deathbed had con- 
signed the youth to my guardianship." ^ 

On the following day Napier marched past Haid- 
arabad and encamped close to the ruined Eesidency. 
Believing that nothing more could be done pending 
the receipt of fresh orders from the Governor- 
General, Outram, with Napier's consent, embarked 
on the 20th for Bombay. Two days later he wrote 
from Tatta to his friend Lieutenant Brown, to whose 
charge the captive princes had been confided : " Let 
me entreat of you, as a kindness to myself, to pay 
every regard to their comfort and dignity. I do 
assure you my heart bleeds for them, and it was in 
the fear that I might betray my feelings that I de- 
clined the last interview they yesterday sought of 
me. Pray say how sorry I was I could not call 
upon them before leaving ; that, could I have done 
them any good, I would not have grudged any ex- 
penditure of time or labour on their behalf ; but 
that, alas ! they have placed it out of my power to 
do aught, by acting contrary to my advice, and 
having recourse to the fatal step of appeal to arms 
against the British power." 

It was with a heavy heart that Outram paced the 
deck of the steamer which bore him back to Bom- 
bay. He had witnessed the failure of all his efforts 
to save the reigning princes of Sind from the 
ruin they had helped to bring upon themselves. 
And the warmth of his friendship for the great 
captain, with whom his own nature had much in 

^ Goldsmid. Napier Bruce. 


common, could not blind him to the war of senti- 
ment and opinion already blazing between them on 
some vital questions of public policy. 

Landing at Bombay before the close of that 
eventful February, Outram had no reason to com- 
plain of the greeting which awaited him from all 
classes of his countrymen. The Governor himself, 
Sir George Arthur, received him as a personal 
friend, and persuaded him to defer his departure 
homewards for at least another month, in case his 
services might still be needed by Sir Charles Napier. 
" It never occurred to me," he writes to the Gover- 
nor on February 28, " that possibly Sir Charles, in 
his kind consideration for my j)ersonal convenience, 
may have let me come away sooner than he other- 
wise would have wished ; and it is with compunc- 
tion that I reflect on the enormous labour which he 
certainly will have to go through during the coming 
hot season, much of the minor details and drudgery 
of which I might save him from. 

"If such is really the opinion of Sir Charles, I would 
rejoin him with alacrity and pleasure on the footing 
of an acting aide-de-camp, as which I should have 
no voice of my own in the policy Sir Charles might 
adopt, and merely should have to carry out to the 
best of my ability the details which he might in- 
trust to me, which would be far preferable to me to 
the situation in which I was formerly placed, when, 
havmg a voice, I was bound to raise it as my con- 
science dictated." 

Writing to Napier himself about a week later, 
Outram will not presume " to think that I could be 
of much use in a purely military line, but it would 
gratify me to share your fatigues and dangers, and 


I should be no longer called upon to officiate out 
of that line. . . . 

" I am sick of policy ; I will not say yours is the 
best, but it is undoubtedly the shortest — that of 
the sword. Oh, how I wish you had drawn it in a 
better cause ! " 

When Outram, however, did volunteer to join a 
detachment preparing to embark for Sind, the Bom- 
bay Government deemed it inexpedient, in view of 
his former services and position, to accept his offer. 
Meanwhile, on March 25, his many friends in Bom- 
bay held a public meeting, at which it was unani- 
mously resolved to present him with a sword, of 
the value of 300 guineas, and a costly piece of plate. 
" I have always felt," wrote Outram in return to 
Mr Le Geyt, "that to obtain the applause of my 
comrades in arms is the highest honour to which 
I could aspire ; but when I perceive men of all 
classes unite with them in according to me this 
distinguished mark of approbation, I feel my merits 
have been greatly overrated, and that it is to their 
partial estimate of the services I have performed 
that I am indebted for this splendid token of their 

" I accept with gratitude the sword thus presented 
to me. It will be my most cherished possession 
while I live, and on my death it shall be bequeathed 
to my representative as the most highly valued 
gift I can bestow." ^ 

On April 1, 1843, James Outram went on board 
the steamer which was to carry him as far as Suez 

1 There were no fewer than 511 subscribers to this testimonial. 
The sword was duly made by a London firm, and delivered to Out- 
ram in the following October after his return from France. 


on his way home through Egypt. A day or two 
earlier he had received from Dr Carr, the Bishop 
of Bombay, a Bible and Prayer-Book, accompanied 
by a letter, which accounted for the absence of the 
rev. donor's name from the list of subscribers to 
the Outram testimonial. '' I felt," he wrote, " that 
I could not consistently take part in the offering 
of a sword, as it is the object of my office and min- 
istry to keep the sword in its scabbard, and to 
labour to promote peace. With these views, and 
with feelings of great respect for the intrepid 
bravery, ability, persevering activity, and, I will 
add, forbearance towards the weak, which have 
marked your conduct, I venture to offer you a 
small tribute of respect, and to request your accept- 
ance of a Book, a blessed Book, in which you may 
find support in the hour of trial, and consolation at 
that time when the sword must be laid aside, and 
when external things must cease to interest. In it, 
my dear sir, is to be found a peace which the world 
cannot disturb. I pray that this peace may be 
yours ; and with sentiments of much admiration 
and respect, believe me to be, sir, very sincerely 
yours, Thomas Bombay." 




Writing to his motlier from Malta on April 29, 
Outram thanks heaven that " I am now on the 
highroad towards you, and, God willing, shall be 
at Motherbank on the 13th, out of quarantine on 
the 14th, and on my way from London to Scotland 
on the 17th, so you may calculate on what day 
I am likely to be with you. I shall stay as long 
as I can, and then return to London, where I 
expect to have much to occupy me for a month 
or two. When I see you all my plans will be 

Once more, however, circumstances conspired to 
upset his plans. For some days after his arrival 
in London, Lord Ripon, then President of the 
Board of Control, had no leisure to grant him 
the interview for which he had applied. Outram's 
first care on returning to England was to plead 
the cause of the despoiled and exiled Amirs of 
Sind with the Minister who controlled the foreign 
afi'airs of the East India Company. For this pur- 
pose he presented Lord Ripon with a copy of his 
journal, which contained a full report of his con- 
ferences with the Amirs before the battle of Miani. 


This report he had forwarded in February to Sir 
Charles Napier, who acknowledged the receipt of it, 
but for some reason or another withheld its con- 
tents from the Governor-General. 

In his letter of May 16 to Lord Ripon he pledges 
himself " to maintain the truth of everything that 
is stated in those papers," which show, among other 
things, that the Amirs " never contemplated oppos- 
ing our power, and were only driven to do so from 
des^yerationy In these documents Outram also 
foretells " evil consequences hereafter if we do not 
take advantage of our position as conquerors mag- 
nanimously to pardon the Amirs, at least to the 
extent of restoring their possessions if not their 
sovereignty, thus showing to the princes of India 
that territorial acquisition is not really our object 
or desire." ^ 

It was too late, however, for human eloquence 
to avert the issues of accomplished facts. Even 
before Outram left India Napier had won his crown- 
ing victory over the Amirs' forces ; the whole of 
Sind had been formally annexed to British India ; 
and her exiled princes had been carried off as State 
prisoners to their future homes at Poona and Barack- 
pore. From a statement put forth many years 
afterwards by Mr Gladstone, it appears that the 
Ministry of Sir Eobert Peel entirely disapproved of 
the course adopted by their Governor- General. But 
they felt themselves powerless to undo what Ellen- 
borough had already done ; for, in Mr Gladstone's 
words, " the mischief of retaining was less than the 
mischief of abandoning " their new conquest.^ 

1 Outram's Correspondence with the Authorities in England. 
" Contemporary Review, November 1876. 


Outram's persistent pleadings on behalf of the 
Sind Amirs with prominent statesmen and East 
India Directors served, at least, to bring out the 
sentimental side of the story told in official de- 
spatches, and secured a respectful hearing for his 
own version of the matters in dispute between 
himself and the Indian Government. From Lord 
Ripon he obtained an assurance that the documents 
suppressed by Napier should find a place in the 
coming Blue-Book on the affairs of Sind. And 
it may have been partly due to Outram's influence 
that the Court of Directors passed in August reso- 
lutions condemning the policj^- which had turned 
the land of the Amirs into a British province. 

Beyond that burst of harmless thunder the Court 
of Directors did not care to go. Lord Ellenborough 
was not recalled ; the exiled princes remained in 
exile ; and Napier proceeded to govern Sind with 
the strong hand of a great soldier, guided by the 
skill and genius of a resourceful statesman. 

In July 1843 Outram saw himself gazetted Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel and C.B., — two distinctions which, 
in the words of Mountstuart Elphinstone, " had 
been promised, or more than promised, long ago. 
Had he received these honours at the time, he 
would now, on the principle which must have been 
observed, of advancing each officer one step, have 
been made aide-de-camp to the Queen and K.C.B." 
In the same letter to Mr John Lock, an East India 
Director, Elphinstone declares that, " besides his 
ample share in the planning and conduct of various 
military enterprises, his political services for several 
years have been such as it would be difficult to 
parallel in the whole course of Indian diplomacy. 


. . . Considering all these services, and the high 
station held by Colonel Outram when he per- 
formed them, the appearance of his name among 
crowds of subalterns is rather a humiliation than 
an honour." ^ 

Colonel Outram's share of the Sind prize-money 
amounted to the value of £3000. Of this timely 
addition to a moderate income he refused to accept 
a single farthing for his own use, handing the whole 
sum over to various charities in India. 

Meanwhile in the early summer of 1843 Outram 
joined his wife and mother at Cheltenham, where 
he spent some happy weeks varied by occasional 
visits to London. During his stay in that once 
favourite resort of Anglo-Indians he was invited 
to meet a number of friends and admirers at a 
dinner to be given in the Plough Hotel. He de- 
clined the honour on the plea of his health, for he 
was only just recovering from a huge Sind boil 
upon his cheek. Before the close of the season 
he took his wife and mother to London, where 
the former was duly presented, together wdth Mrs 
Bax, at Court. 

A brief experience of London gaieties and sight- 
seeing was followed by Outram's journey to Scot- 
land on visits of a few days each to his sister, 
Mrs Sligo, and his f^xther-in-law. Rejoining his 
wife at Brighton, he took her on with him to 
Paris by way of Dieppe. The close of September 
found them back again in Brook Street, where he 
stayed until his return to India by the mail of 
December 1." 

During the voyage he won the friendship of Mr 

^ Outram Testimonials. 2 Goldsmid. 


Inglis Money of the Bengal Civil Service, who in 
a letter to Sir Francis Outram tells how one day, 
when the ship was rolling heavily, "a sergeant's 
wife with a baby in her arms had hold of the top of 
the companion-ladder, and did not know how to get 
down it to the lower deck. There were three young 
fellows standing close by smoking, and apparently 
amused at her predicament. Just as I was on the 
point of starting to help the poor woman, your 
chivalrous father darted past me and, getting 
hold of the companion-ladder, helped her down as 
tenderly and carefully as if she had been his own 

This abrupt curtailment of Outram's furlough 
sprang from his own eagerness to serve his country 
at a critical moment in her Indian affairs. In 
November it was known that a revolution had 
occurred at Lahore, and that Sher Sing, who had 
succeeded his famous father Kanjit on the throne 
of the Punjab, had been murdered by his own 
minister, Dhyan Sing. This event was followed 
by others which threatened to involve the rulers 
of India in a war with their whilom Sikh allies. 

In the first days of the new year, 1844, Outram 
landed in Bombay armed with a letter from the 
Duke of Wellington to the Commander-in-Chief, 
Sir Hugh Gough, in which he was strongly recom- 
mended for employment, in the event of war with 
the Sikhs. By that time, however. Sir Hugh had 
brought his brief campaign against the Gwalior 
Marathas to a victorious ending, while the chances 
of armed strife beyond the Satlaj seemed still 

On the 23rd Outram writes to his wife from Asir- 


garh, on his way to the Governor-General's camp at 
Gwalior. Three weeks later, on his way back from 
Gwalior, he acquaints his mother with the failure of 
his attempt to speak with Lord Ellenborough face to 
face. " Fancy my being in the same camp yester- 
day with Lord Ellenborough, to whom I proffered 
my attendance as in duty bound, and to show that 
I did not shun to meet his lordship after all I had 
done at home ! He, however, had no wish to meet 
me, and declined the interview, unless I would state 
my reasons in writing : so we did not meet." 

Lord Ellenborough, however, offered him the 
political charge of Nimar, a district lying to the 
north of Khandesh. This appointment, so inferior 
to anything he had held before, he was at first 
inclined to reject. But the advice of his friends 
prevailed upon him to accept the offer of a post 
which was probably at that time the best that 
the Government could bestow. On March 10 he 
reached Mandlesar, the headquarters of his agency, 
" situated on the banks of the Narbada, on the road 
between Asiro;arh and Mhow." Here he found " a 
good house and garden, a doctor and his wife, and 
one or two ofticers. A detachment of troops is 
always stationed there ; it is a pretty place also, so 
I daresay Margaret will not dislike it." 

During his travels of the past two months he had 
seen "Agra, the Taj, and Gwalior, which alone 
would repay the journey, and met with much 
civility and attention from everybody except Lord 

" My life," he adds, " is that of a perfect hermit. 
I go to office at sunrise, stay there till 10 o'clock, 
receiving petitions, and transacting business person- 


ally with the natives; breakfast at 10 ; then in my 
office at home official correspondence, &c., till dinner 
at 4 ; ride out after dinner, then tea and read till 

Meanwhile his letters to his friends in India and 
at home were always harping on the subject that 
engrossed his thoughts, the injustice done to the 
Amirs, and their champion, by a Ministry which 
refused to lay before Parliament certain papers 
bearing on questions raised by the annexation of 
Sind. The recall of Lord EUenborough in May, 
followed by the arrival of his successor. Sir Henry 
Hardinge, failed to comfort his sorely troubled 
spirit, or to save some of his correspondents from 
unmerited reproach for their seeming lack of 
sympathy with his own especial grievance. By 
the middle of September he had thrown up his 
appointment, and started for Bombay with the in- 
tention of returning home in the following month. 

At Bombay he was still awaiting the answer to 
his request for permission to return home when the 
news of a rebellion in the Southern Maratha country 
impelled him to delay his departure, and to place 
his sword at the disposal of the Bombay Govern- 
ment. Sir George Arthur gladly accepted his offer, 
and proposed to send him into the disturbed pro- 
vinces as Political Agent in room of Mr Peeves, who, 
being a civilian, was deemed less suitable for such a 
post than a military officer at a time when war was 
already raging. Outram, with his wonted chivalry, 
refused to supersede a gentleman for whose talents 
and character he had a high respect, and who was 
thoroughly acquainted with the state of affairs in 
the Southern Maratha country. At the same time 



he expressed his readiness to act in conjunction with 
Mr Reeves so long as the war lasted. Sir George 
Arthur avowed his hearty approval of Outram's 
generous scruples, and directed him to proceed on 
" special duty " to the seat of war. 

On October 11 Outram joined the camp of 
Brigadier Wallace in front of the fortress of Saman- 
garh. On the morning of the 13th the fort was 
carried by storm, Outram himself leading the way 
inside, and standing for a moment alone among the 
enemy. On the same day he took part with Captain 
Graeme and a wing of the 5th Light Cavalry in their 
successful pursuit of a large body of the rebels. For 
his services throughout that day he received the 
cordial thanks of the Brigadier commanding. 

The camp of General Delamotte became the next 
scene of Outram's activities. As special commis- 
sioner and chief intelligence officer he kept a close 
watch upon the movements of the insurgent leaders, 
while using his best efforts to win their submission 
by offers of a general amnesty. Had those efforts 
been backed by the timely movements of an armed 
force, the rebellion might have collapsed before the 
middle of November. It was not until the close of 
that month that Delamotte appeared before Pan- 
hala, a hill-fort in the State of Kolhapur, whose boy 
ruler had fled for shelter to the British camp.^ 

On December 1 our batteries opened fire upon the 
stronghold, which was stormed the same afternoon 
in gallant style — Outram, as usual, being among the 
foremost to mount the breach. Several of the ring- 
leaders fell in the assault, many prisoners were 
taken by the troops posted outside the fort, and 

^ Calcutta Review, September 1845. Outram Services, Goldsmid. 


before evening the neighbouring fort of Pawangarh 
fell without a strusfo-le into our hands. 

As the fighting in those districts now seemed 
virtually over, Outram returned to Bombay in the 
middle of December for the purpose of taking his 
passage to England. But the military commanders 
had reckoned without their defeated foes, who pre- 
pared to renew the struggle below the Ghats among 
the rocky jungles of Sawant-Wari. The Bombay 
Government, however, still needed the help of so 
tried and trustworthy an agent, and Outram 
promptly offered to return to the seat of war, and 
there organise and lead a body of light troops. 

Landing at Vingorla in the first days of January 
1845, he selected two or three good oflicers for 
service on his stafi", with whom a week later he 
arrived at the town of Wari, where he proceeded 
to organise a column 1200 strong, made up of 
Europeans, Sepoys, and local troops, with a few 
sappers and a light field battery. " Never," says 
his great contemporary. Sir Henry Lawrence, in the 
' Calcutta Eeview,' " was the magic power of one 
man's presence more striking than on Outram's 
return to the seat of war." His first act was to 
detach 100 men under an English ofiicer back 
to Vingorla, to allay the panic which had spread to 
that place. From Wari he himself pushed on 
with the bulk of his troops towards the Sivapur 
valley, with a view to attacking the rebels on that 
side, while three other columns were moving against 
them from as many different quarters. 

Of all these columns Outram's alone was entirely 
successful. In spite of all hindrances he made his 
way from one point to another of an unknown and 


difficult country, capturing stockades, villages, and 
forts, with only one partial check, and driving the 
last of the insurgent chiefs across the border into 
the Portuguese territory of Goa. The combined 
movement had begun on January 20. By the end 
of that month the last band of insurgents had been 
dispersed, and the boldest of their leaders slain or 
captured. At Kolhapur a British officer ere long 
replaced the native minister, and the political 
control of Sawant-Wari was finally intrusted to the 
capable hands of Captain Lc Grand Jacob, who, in 
Lawrence's own words, " is, like Colonel Outram, a 
good soldier as well as an able and conciliating civil 

Outram's brilliant services during the past few 
months, " the energy, boldness, and military skill " 
displayed by him, " and the rapidity and success 
which characterised all the movements of his detach- 
ment," were gratefully acknowledged both by the Bom- 
bay Government and their Commander-in-Chief." ^ 

Early in February 1845 Sir George Arthur offered 
him the post of Resident at the court of Satara, in 
the small Maratha kingdom, then ruled by a direct 
descendant of that daring Sivaji who first taught his 
countrymen to defy the armies and humble the 
pride of a great Mughal emperor. It was not, how- 
ever, until three months later that Outram found 
himself free to take up his new duties, leaving to his 
successor. Captain Jacob, the management of a tran- 
quillised and orderly Sawant - Wari, and carrying 
away with him the thanks of the Supreme Govern- 
ment for his skilful handling of some delicate nego- 
tiations with the Portuguese Government of Goa. 

^ Outram Papers. 




On May 26, 1845, Colonel Outram reached Satara 
in company with his wife, who had rejoined him 
earlier in the month at Bombay. On April 22 he 
had written to his mother about his future plans : 
" I have had much to undergo and struggle against 
during the past six months, but have passed through 
the ordeal with increased credit, and believe I stand 
higher than ever in the estimation of Government, 
even that of Bengal, having received congratula- 
tions of Sir Henry Hardinge on the success of my 
measures in this country ; but I certainly cannot 
rest under the misrepresentations cast upon me in 
the Napier book, and hope it may induce Govern- 
ment to permit me to defend myself, in which case 
I have no fear of the result. . . . 

" I have been so incessantly occupied since the 
first volume of William Napier's ' Conquest of Sind ' 
came out that I have had no time to turn my atten- 
tion to the subject, and purposed waiting for the 
second to tackle both at once, but the second does 
not now appear likely to come out, as I understand 
the Duke frowns upon it ; but there is too much in 


the first for me to pass over, and as soon as released 
from my present duty I shall turn my attention 
to it." 

His present duties included the chief command of 
all the troops quartered in Satara. During the 
worst of the summer heats he went with Mrs 
Outram up the Ghats for a few weeks' sojourn in 
the cool mountain air of Mahabaleshar. Here, too, 
he found more leisure for completing his Com- 
mentary on Sir AVilliam Napier's version of the 
events which issued in the conquest of Sind. 
Before the close of September he had already snififed 
the first tokens of impending war along the valley 
of the Satlaj. However pacific were our own inten- 
tions towards the Government of Lahore, he felt 
that the Sikh soldiery might prove so uncontrollable 
that the collision so long expected might come at 
any moment. "I cannot resist, therefore," he 
writes to Colonel Gough, "again soliciting per- 
mission to join the army said to be about to 
assemble under the Commander-in-Chief, on the 
mere chance of hostilities, as a volunteer." 

In his answer of October 17 Colonel Gough assures 
Outram that the Commander-in-Chief "at present 
sees no chance of active service either in the Punjab 
or elsewhere " ; and that his Excellency would deem 
it " quite out of his province to order the attendance 
of an ofiicer belonging to another Presidency." 

Sir Hugh Gough's soothing assurances failed to 
quench Outram's yearning for fresh fields of military 
adventure. On December 18 he applies to the 
Governor-General through his secretary, Mr Fred- 
erick Currie, for permission to join the headquarters' 
camp as a volunteer, if he can obtain a few months' 


leave of absence from his Government. Sir Henry 
Hardinge referred the matter to his Commander-in- 
Chief, who replied on January 4, 1846, through his 
secretary, Captain West, that he would be happy to 
see Colonel Outram in his camp, if he could obtain 
the necessary leave of absence. 

By that time Gough had already won two hard- 
fought battles with the great Sikh army which had 
poured across the Satlaj before the middle of 
December 1845. The campaign, however, was not 
yet over. Armed with the sanction of his own 
Government, Outram had arranged his dak from 
Satara to the headquarters' camp at Firozpur, when 
on January 20 " Sir George Arthur received a letter 
from Sir Hugh Gough of such a nature as caused 
him to withdraw the leave which had been granted 
to me." 

"Thus has been suddenly dashed the hope of my 
life for years past," he writes to Captain West on 
January 24, "for which I returned to India before 
the expiration of my furlough in November 1843, in 
the full confidence that the recommendation of the 
Duke of Wellington would ensure my admission to 
the glorious field of the Punjab, which I considered 
was the only one worthy of a soldier likely to occur 
in my day, and the last chance I should ever 
have of serving under the banner of a Peninsular 
hero." ^ 

The reasons for this sudden change of front are set 
forth in Captain West's letter of February 19 to 
Colonel Outram : " I have delayed a few days to 
reply to your letter from Satara, thinking, as has 
turned out to be the case, that the decisive victory 

1 Outram MSS. 


of Subraon on the 10th instant would change the 
face of affairs from a warlike to a peaceful hue ; and 
when I laid your request before his Excellency the 
Commander-in-Chief, he replied, ' Write to Colonel 
Outram that I could have no personal motive in inter- 
dicting his joining the army ; on the contrary, that 
I had every desire of making the acquaintance of so 
gallant and distinguished an officer.' 

" It was, however, suggested to his Excellency, 
when Sir C. Napier was summoned to join the army 
of the Satlaj, that there might be some awkwardness 
on your both being present with it ; and acting upon 
this view of the case, his Excellency did write to Sir 
G. Arthur pointing out the inconvenience which 
might arise, and which to others did appear suffi- 
ciently obvious to merit consideration." 

The writer goes on to say that Gulab Sing has 
agreed to all the terms proposed by the Governor- 
General. "As matters have assumed an aspect so 
decidedly peaceable, his Excellency thinks it would 
be as useless writing to Sir G. Arthur on the subject 
as it would be unprofitable to yourself to make so 
long a journey for nothing. 

" I can fully sympathise in your disappointment 
at not having witnessed our glorious and hardly- 
contested campaign ; it has been bloody indeed : the 
Singhs have proved themselves no mean or con- 
temptible enemy ; it has been the severest fighting 
that ever occurred in India. 

"Had you quitted Bombay to join the army on 
the permission from his Excellency accorded in my 
letter, you would probably have been too late for the 
battle of Subraon. However, I repeat again, I can 
well understand your feelings on this occasion, rec- 


ollecting as I do my own vexation at missing the 
battles of Miani and Haidarabad." ^ 

The war, indeed, had come to an end with the 
crowning victory of Subraon. Outram, however, 
felt as one who had been cheated of his heart's 
desire by what appeared to him a paltry subterfuge. 
Why should the fact of his having quarrelled with 
Sir Charles Napier suffice to disable him from ren- 
dering loyal service to the leader of an army in which 
his adversary happened to hold high command ? As 
the force which Napier assembled at Eohri never 
crossed the frontier of Northern Sind, while Outram 
had sought only for a place in the fighting line, the 
likelihood of any meeting between the Queen's and 
the Company's officer would have been infinitesimal. 
Even if they had met, Napier surely would not have 
wished, in the words of Outram's previous letter, 
" to thwart a soldier's desire to serve his country 
in the field ; and as it was never my intention to 
intrude myself personally upon the Commander-in- 
Chief, Sir C. Napier would have no cause for com- 
plaint on that score. Neither is it, I should hope, 
to be apprehended that I could ever so far forget 
my duty as a soldier and the respect due to that 
officer's position, as to conduct myself otherwise than 
I ought to do towards him, should we personally 

Meanwhile Outram was engaged in passing 
through the Bombay press the last sheets of his 
Commentary on General Sir William Napier's 
' Conquest of Sind,' a work in which the well-known 
historian of the Peninsular War sought to vindicate 
his brother's dealings with the Amirs of Sind by 

^ Outram MSS. 


savagely aspersing the character and conduct of the 
man whom Sir Charles Napier had once extolled as 
the Bayard of India. It was only in the previous 
June that Outram had read the second volume of 
this remarkable outburst of brotherly devotion ; 
and he had hastened to acquaint its author with 
*' my intention to publish, as soon as possible, 
as full and complete refutation as circumstances 
admit of all the calumnies and misrepresentations 
which, with the manifest object of raising your 
brother's character at the expense of mine, you have 
published against me." 

The Commentary was printed in Bombay merely 
for private circulation, but a London edition, revised 
and expurgated, came out a few months later from 
the press of Messrs Blackwood under the title of 
' The Conquest of Sind : a Commentary.' Many of 
the misstatements in Sir William Napier's work 
" are exposed," says a writer in the ' Calcutta 
Review,' " with unsparing freedom, but in a tone 
of great moderation, in Colonel Outram's Com- 
mentary, which presents, in many respects, a 
remarkable contrast to the work upon which it 

Of Outram's Commentary, in the w^ords of the 
same writer, "it may, in brief, be said, that without 
displaying the fitful eloquence or the practised 
literary skill of the military historian, it evinces a 
thorough mastery of the suljject on which it treats, 
and it is written in clear, forcible, and unaffected 
language, with an earnestness that bespeaks the 
author's honesty of purpose, and with a scrupulous 
accuracy to which his opponent can lay no claim." ^ 

1 Calcutta Review, December 1846. 


It is needless here to dwell upon the furious con- 
troversy aroused by these two rival retrospects of 
the events which issued in the conquest of Sind. 
Wild words wandered to and fro for several years 
between the partisans on either side, and even 
Outram was stung into making rash charges against 
Sir Charles Napier, which he afterwards saw reason 
to qualify or withdraw. Of Outram, however, it 
may truly be said that in all the heat of this 
polemic word-throwing he "nothing common did, 
nor mean." He never knowingly hit his assailant 
below the belt, nor could he stoop to fling back the 
kind of mud with which Sir W. Napier had wantonly 
bespattered him. 

As to the main question at issue between himself 
and Sir C. Napier, it seems only fair to admit that 
each of them, looking at a different side of the 
shield, may have acted rightly from his own point 
of view. While Outram clung to his belief in the 
good faith of the Amirs, and their readiness to 
accept, with certain limitations, the terms proposed 
by the Indian Government, Napier, on the other 
hand, had started with a firm conviction of their 
secret hostility to a Power whose real strength they 
had been tempted to undervalue. Napier declared 
that the safety of his small army had been gravely 
imperilled by Outram's ill-timed appeals to the 
magnanimity of Sher Muhammad, the " Lion of 
Mirpur," while Outram complained that his last 
efi*orts to conciliate the Amirs had been foredoomed 
to failure by Napier's sudden march towards 
Haidarabad. The two men, in short, had been 
working upon lines so clearly divergent that mis- 
understandings, leading by degrees to an open 


rupture, would inevitably ensue. One is reminded 
of the eager disputants in Merrick's amusing tale 
concerning the colour of the chameleon. In the 
light of subsequent history it may even be argued 
that Outram's policy of trust in the Amirs would 
have proved less wise for practical purposes than 
Napier's policy of vigilant coercion. 

In March 1847 Outram obtained a month's leave 
on medical certificate to Bombay. It does not 
appear, according to Sir F. Goldsmid, that he 
suffered from any serious ailment ; but the 
sedentary life which he had lately been leading, 
added to the long mental strain of paper con- 
troversy, may have driven him to recruit his health 
amonor the sea-breezes and social recreations of 
Malabar Hill. He had not long returned to Satara 
when Sir George Clerk, the new Governor of Bom- 
bay, offered him the post of Resident at Baroda, 
the chief native state on that side of India. This 
appointment was at that time the highest which 
the Bombay Government could bestow ; and Sir 
George Clerk had warmly sympathised with Out- 
ram's earnest efforts to secure an honourable retreat 
from Afghanistan. He had followed Outram's sub- 
sequent career with admiring interest, and in May 
of this year he gladly offered him an appointment 
worthy of his deserts. " My appointment," writes 
Outram to his mother on May 17, "to the highest 
political situation under the Bombay Government, 
is looked upon by the service generally as a triumph 
over the Napiers ; but I shall never consider myself 
righted until I am replaced in political employment 
under the Government of India, from which Lord 
Ellenborough removed me, and until the condemna- 


tion his lordship recorded against me, respecting 
Sind, is expunged." 

The Baroda State was one of those Maratha king- 
doms which the vassals of the Peshwas had carved 
out for themselves in the eighteenth century from 
the ruins of the old Mughal Empire. Outram was 
no stranger to some parts of the country now placed 
under his political charge. His official experiences 
in Khandesh and the Mahi Kanta from 1835-38 had 
thrown much curious light on the dealings of native 
officials throughout the provinces governed by the 
Gaikwar.^ His new appointment seemed to open to 
him a wide field of administrative reform, and he 
"hastened," says an able writer, "to enter on its 
duties, cheered with bright visions of the lasting 
benefits which he hoped to confer on the prince and 
people of Baroda. 

"But these visions were not destined to be 
realised. Before he could mature his plans he was 
grieved to discover that the corruption, which in 
former days he had helped to combat, was not 
extinct ; that the long-cherished popular belief in 
the corruptibility of the Bombay Government still 
survived ; and that this belief was not less potent 
for mischief than he had found it to be in 1837. 
The further he carried his inquiries, the more 
forcibly was the conviction impressed on his mind. 
And he saw that till a more healthy moral tone 
could be introduced into the native department of 
his diplomatic establishment, and a more elevated 
estimate of the integrity of Bombay functionaries 

^ Gaikwar, or cowherd, was the title bequeathed to his successors 
by Pilaji Gaikwar, the Maratha peasant who founded the reigning 
dynasty of Baroda. 


forced on the native community, vain must be his 
efforts to promote the mental or material improve- 
ment of the people." ^ 

The task to which our modern Hercules addressed 
himself might have taxed the courage of hira who 
slew the Hydra and achieved the cleansing of the 
Augean stables. Outram's own particular monster 
was called by the natives khatpat, a term which 
included every kind of corrupt influence, from 
bribery to blackmailing. In Baroda the trail of 
this serpent was over all departments of public 
business, and its poisonous breath seems to have 
tainted the official atmosphere of Bombay itself. 
" The great art of life," as Kaye has well observed, 
"is to make things pleasant. A troublesome man 
is the despair of his superiors ; he must have as 
good stuff in him as you, James Outram, if his 
stirrings do not brinoj him to grief." ^ 

How zealously the new Resident went to work 
may be seen from his letters of July 1847 to his 
assistant. Captain Fulljames, at Ahmadabad. After 
recounting the misdeeds of one Baba Nafra who had 
just been arrested on the charges of bribery and 
abduction, he goes on to speak in no flattering 
terms of Narsu Pant, for several years the con- 
fidential agent at the Baroda Residency. "Acun- 
nino; fellow like Narsu Pant would have little diffi- 
culty in trumping up false charges. But Mr Narsu's 
tether is very short, and I doubt not that in a few 
days his own misdeeds will be fully exposed — he 
must be quaking in his shoes, knowing as he does 
what there is against him." 

In another letter he gives his assistant " full 

' Outram Services. ^ Cornhill Magazine, January 1861. 


authority to search the magisterial and other 
judicial records — the records of the Kolie corps, 
&c., &c. — and to quote from them whatever may 
be necessary to your report on the state of the 
police and working of the corps, and everything 
connected therewith." 

"Your report," he adds, "will, I have no doubt, 
be sufficient to afford Government ground for 
utterly reforming the whole system of police, and 
on handing it up I shall submit the reorganisation 
I would recommend ; so if you have any further 
suggestions to offer beyond those you have already 
given me, let me have them by the time I receive 
your report." And he concludes by telling Full- 
james to be in no hurry with his report ; " it is of 
more importance it should be full and convincing 
than that it should go in soon." 

Writing again to Fulljames on December 1, with 
regard to some further reports on the police, Outram 
suggests that he might " find a way to comment on 
the ill-working of those united functions (revenue 
and magisterial) without appearing unnecessarily 
to intrude what must be so unpalatable to the Civil 
Service, and if your and Wallace's supplementary 
reports come through me, I will then take the 
opportunity to say my say also." 

Referring to a case of opium robbery which had 
not yet been brought clearly home to the actual 
culprits, although so many persons had been con- 
fined on suspicion, " I wish much," he says, " you 
would try by a second examination of the prisoners 
in Ahmadabad to elicit further evidence, otherwise 
I fear it never will be brought home to the rascals." 
" Might you not," he adds, " with sanction of the 


judge, hold out a promise of pardon to one or two 
of them if they gave such information as will lead 
to the conviction of the culprits ? or might you not 
get some of those who are to be released on secur- 
ity, to come forward as Queen's evidence ? " 

In the year 1848 a change of ill-omen to Outram 
occurred in the Government of Bombay. His 
staunch friend Sir George Clerk was driven by ill- 
health to resign his office, and Lord Falkland was 
sent out to fill his place. Towards the end of April 
Outram 's home at Baroda was saddened by the un- 
timely death of Mrs Outram's brother, Lieutenant 
Anderson, who had been foully murdered, together 
with his civil colleague, Mr Vans Agnew, by the 
soldiers of Mulraj, the Diwan or Governor of Mul- 
tan. The two victims of unforeseen treachery had 
been deputed by the Lahore Darbar to instal a new 
Governor at Multan in the room of Mulraj, who had 
lately tendered his resignation. With regard to 
Lieutenant Anderson, Outram writes to his mother 
on May 16 : "It is indeed a sad, sad termination 
to the career of one of the noblest young men I 
ever knew, when he thought he had attained a 
sure path to fame and honour. Our last letter 
from him, written the day he embarked at Lahore 
to sail down to Multan, was full of hope and 


While Herbert Edwardes was leading his Bannu 
levies across the Indus to the very walls of Mulraj 's 
stronghold, it was becoming daily clearer that the 
outbreak at Multan had set fire to the fuel of a 
general Sikh revolt against a Government impelled 
by British officers and protected by British bayon- 

1 Goldsmid. 


ets. Oiitram, as usual, longed to play his part in 
the comine: struo-o-le between the whole Sikh nation 
and the Government of Lord Dalhousie, who had 
gone out to fill the place vacated by Lord Hardinge. 
In a letter to Sir Frederick Currie, who was acting 
at Lahore as British Resident in the room of Sir 
Henry Lawrence, absent for a time on sick-leave 
to Europe, Outram urged the propriety of securing 
the services of the Sind camel corps, and a regiment 
of Sind horse, for the defence of Bhawalptir from 
the inroads of the Multani rebels. 

For this end he was ready to act in concert with 
Major John Jacob. "If you intrust my friend 
Jacob and myself with this duty," he writes, " de- 
pend upon it we shall not lie idle, nor allow the 
Multanis to cross to this side of the river with im- 
punity, and shall so puzzle Mulraj by our feints 
and movements as to deter him, in a great measure, 
if not altogether, from attempting any distant opera- 
tions until our regular army can come down upon 
him." ^ 

Shortly afterwards he applied to Lord Dalhousie 
himself for employment on a roving commission of 
the kind already proposed. The Governor-General 
expressed his readiness to further Outram's wishes ; 
but in view of pending arrangements for the de- 
spatch of a Bombay column to co-operate with the 
troops of Bengal, he held it better that Outram 
should apply to his own Government for the requi- 
site permission. The consequent reference to Bom- 
bay resulted only in a polite refusal of Colonel 
Outram's request. 

On September 12, 1848, Outram left Baroda on 

^ Outram MSS. 


mediccal certificate, arriving five days later in Bom- 
bay. In the autumn of the previous year he had 
been attacked with erysipelas, which nearly caused 
his death. A year later, excessive brain-work in a 
very unhealthy climate had developed symptoms 
so alarming that his medical advisers insisted on a 
complete change of scene and air. The six weeks 
that Outram spent in Bombay were chiefly em- 
ployed in vainly urging the Government to carry 
out some of the measures advocated in his official 
reports on the state of things at Baroda. At last, 
on November 3, he embarked with his wife for 
Suez, whence Mrs Outram would pass on to her 
Scottish home, leaving; her husband to recruit his 
health and enlarge his mental outlook by a length- 
ened sojourn in the land of the Pharaohs and the 




After landing at Suez, Colonel and Mrs Outram 
proceeded across the Desert in one of those vans 
which carried passengers between Suez and Cairo in 
the early days of the Overland route from India to 
England. Towards evening they came across a van 
which was bearing Sir Henry Lawrence back to the 
Punjab after an absence of less than a year. The 
meeting between these two men, who had never 
seen each other before, is described by Lady Law- 
rence in a letter to her son Alexander : " Our vans 
stopped ; papa got out, and, in the twilight, had ten 
minutes' talk with Colonel Outram. They have long 
known each other by character, and corresponded 
pleasantly, but had never met before. There is 
much alike in their characters ; but Colonel Outram 
has had peculiar opportunities of protesting against 
tyranny, and he has refused to enrich himself by 
ill-gotten gains. . . . 

" Colonel Outram, though a very poor man, would 
not take money which he did not think rightfully 
his, and distributed all his share in charity — giving 
£800 to the Hill Asylum at Kussowli. I was glad, 


even in the dark, to shake hands with one whom I 
esteemed so highly." ^ 

Early in December Outram parted from his wife 
at Alexandria on board the steamer which was to 
convey her back to England. Finding Alexandria 
intolerable after her departure, he returned up the 
Nile towards Cairo in the steamer which had brought 
him down. At Cairo he began to study Arabic with 
a view to extendino; his travels as far west as Tunis. 
A qualified teacher had been found for him by the 
well-known missionary Mr Leider. "As I have had 
no practice," he writes to Mrs Outram, " in learning 
languages for thirty years past, I fear I shall prove 
a very stupid pupil." In the following year, how- 
ever, his letters from Bombay served to convince 
him that his scheme for visiting Tunis was a vain 
thing under the terms of his furlough to Egypt. 
" I am informed," he writes, " that my tether extends 
only to 36 degrees of north latitude, and 30 longitude 
E. of Greenwich." 

Before leaving India he had been ordered by his 
doctors to keep always moving as the best means of 
reo;ainin2f his health. The first two months of 1849 
were occupied by him in a careful survey of the 
route across the Desert from Keneh to Kosseir, the 
same route which Baird's Indian contingent had 
traversed in the opposite direction during the war 
with Napoleon in 1801. On this occasion he was 
accompanied by Mr Stuart Poole, nephew of the 
well-known Arabic scholar, Edward Lane.^ 

^ Life of Sir Henry Lawrence. By Sir Herbert Edwardes and 
Herman Merivale, C.B. 

2 Author of ' Modern Egyptians,' and translator of ' The Arabian 


On mounting his camel at Keneh for the trip 
across the Desert Outram wore a regulation sword. 
"Don't wear that, Colonel ; they will find you out," 
entreated Mr Poole. " Do you think," he answered, 
" I will wear anything but the Queen's sword ? " So 
he went undisguised, and the suspicions that his 
frankness excited nearly " led to my being carried 
off during his absence." On his previous voyage up 
the Nile as far as Thebes he had taken note of 
every good military position along the route. " He 
would say of a fine temple, ' What a splendid posi- 
tion ! " With a great respect for learning, he cared 
very little for antiquities," 

In his account of the trip Mr Stuart Poole was 
deeply impressed by " the strength and individuality 
of his disposition, his warmth of heart, his great un- 
selfishness, his absolute confidence in me. ... At 
that time he seemed to me in full strength of body 
and mind. He struck me as not unlike Cromwell in 
face, though of a far more refined type, marked in 
the firm and delicate modelling of the mouth, espe- 
cially in the upper lip. He had a soldier's piercing 
eyes, changing in a moment from command to 
gentleness. In speech he was hesitating, but when 
he was warmed by his subject he could speak 
forcibly. He was consumed by ambition, yet I 
never knew a more modest man." 

Just as they were setting out on their return 
journey from Kosseir, the news of the hard-fought 
and only half-won battle of Chilianwala excited 
Outram to the verge of madness. " I will go back 
at once," he said, " and serve as captain in my old 
black regiment." During their voyage down the 
Nile to Cairo Outram " kept the boatmen at work 


night and day. Sleeping in the cabin next to his, I 
was constantly roused by his shouts to the exhausted 
men to go on rowing. A mutiny broke out, and the 
men were taken before a Turkish governor, who 
politely offered to have them bastinadoed all round. 
Outram, of course, could not consent, and the old 
state of things returned." 

By the time the travellers reached Cairo they 
knew that Lord Gough had won the crowning vic- 
tory of Gujarat, and Outram "was full of regret for 
the discomfort his impetuosity liad caused." 

One characteristic incident of the return voyage 
must not be omitted. " One day when we had no 
meat for dinner I shot a pigeon. Outram, ardent 
sportsman as he was, said to me sadly, ' I have made 
a vow never to shoot a bird.' He would not eat the 
bird, which was given to an old peasant woman, and 
we dined as we could," ^ 

So intense had been Outram's anxiety concerning 
the progress of our arms in the Punjab that on one 
occasion he sped down the Red Sea to Aden, intend- 
ing if need arose to catch the first steamer thence 
for Bombay. " Every ofHcer," he writes to his wife, 
" who has eaten the Company's salt is bound to do 
so likewise in whatever part of the world he may 
happen to be situated." Happily the news that 
reached him by the next homeward mail seemed 
to justify his immediate return to Suez, and to his 
self-appointed task in Egypt. The date of this 
Aden episode is not given by his biographer, but 
in all likelihood it occurred just after his journey 
across the Desert to Kosseir. 

By the end of March 1849 Outram was speeding 

^ Goldsmid. 


down the Nile to Damietta, on the eastern mouth 
of that river. After a long and careful inspection 
of a town which had once been the centre of a 
thriving trade, he returned to Cairo about the end 
of April. In the following month he started on 
a similar errand for Rosetta, on the western mouth 
of the Nile ; but on this occasion he was too ill to 
leave his boat, and the visit had to be deferred to a 
later season. In June we find him at Alexandria, 
suffering from a sharp attack of spinal rheumatism, 
brought on by imprudent bathing. To shake off 
this painful malady he started on the 20th for a 
cruise along the Syrian coast. The first days of 
his voyage were days to him of unspeakable agony. 
He lived entirely upon tea, and was unable to walk 
without support. After a while his health began 
to improve, and soon after landing at Smyrna he 
reported himself as nearly free from pain, and able 
at last to sit up and write. 

By the middle of August he was strong enough 
to make an excursion to Beyrout, whence he rode 
up to the Lebanon, where, says Sir F. Goldsmid, 
"he had once contemplated passing the hot weather. 
But the trip was enough to satisfy him, and he 
forthwith rode down again." In a letter of October 
2 to his wife, written shortly after his return to 
Cairo, he declares that he was never better in bodily 
health. In the course of the same month he made 
another trip to Damietta, to complete his survey 
of that neighbourhood. A second visit to Rosetta 
furnished him with fresh materials for the report on 
which he was engaged. This report was afterwards 
completed at Cairo, and is, in the words of his 
biographer, " an admirable example of the useful 


account to which au ai3le and active-minded soldier 
may turn a twelve or fifteen months' furlough in 
a foreign country." 

The body of this exhaustive Memoir, compiled for 
the instruction of the Court of Directors, comprised 
more than a hundred pages of closely printed fools- 
cap. Of the twelve sections into which it was 
divided, " the first," says Sir F. Goldsmid, " deals 
mainly with the fortifications of Alexandria, but is 
in other respects a political review ; the second is 
a valuable notice of the resources of Egypt, touching 
on military establishments, revenues, agricultural 
products, and means of transport ; the third is a 
retrospect of French campaigns under the first 
Napoleon ; and the remaining nine may be generally 
classed together under the heads of political, strateg- 
ical, and hypothetical." 

The appendices were even bulkier than the 
Memoir itself. From Mr Stuart Poole we learn 
that his uncle Mr Lane and his brother rendered 
Outram no little service in the preparation of this 

In April 1850 the document w^as laid before the 
Government of Bombay, by whom it was duly 
forwarded to Lord Dalhousie for transmission to 
the Secret Committee in Leadenhall Street. The 
Governor - General entirely concurred with Lord 
Falkland in the tribute paid by the latter to the 
" distinguished and honourable zeal " displayed by 
Colonel Outram in his country's service, " under 
the pressure of ill-health and other unfavourable 
circumstances." Lord Palmerston, who was then 
at the Foreign Oftice, testified to the value of 
Outram's Memoir, and declared his belief that, if 


the Russo-Turkish differences had continued, Outram 
would have been asked to remain in Egypt. 

In his reminiscences of this period Mr Stuart 
Poole touches upon some noteworthy traits in 
Outram's vivid personality. "At this time," he 
says, " I saw much of Colonel Outram. His con- 
versation usually turned on the wrongs of the 
Amirs of Sind, the Baroda bribery, and not seldom 
on the native races and how they should be 
governed. It now strikes me that he lost mental 
strength from the power an id^e fixe had of getting 
entire command of him. On native questions, I 
may add, that without being sympathetic, owing 
possibly to his want of linguistic facility, he was 
full of a desire for equal justice to all, and com- 
mented on acts of spoliation or harshness with the 
keenest indignation. He was so sensitive to fair 
play that he spoke of being hurt with his brother 
officers for picking off Afghan matchlock-men who 
innocently came within range of their rifles. He 
never could be made to tell or verify any story 
of his own achievements. Whatever I knew came 
out by accident. Thus once he said, ' I like that 
stick ; I took a hill-fort with it ! ' Another time 
he told how, as a subaltern, he had called out the 
Commander-in-Chief of the Bombay army for not 
giving him a chance of active service in Burmah, 
when that gallant old officer, while regretting he 
had not the chance of a shot at Outram, whose 
challenge no one at Puna would carry, yet sent him 
at once to the front. 

" Even the incidents of his tiger-hunts were with- 
held from us. The deep scars on his head were 
admitted to be the marks of claws, but he would 


never acknowledge or deny the story that his head 
was once in a tiger's mouth, when a well-directed 
bullet from a friend's gun relaxed the brute's jaws. 
He lived sparingly, but lavished everything in pres- 
ents to his friends. His only amusement was chess, 
and his only indulgence smoking either a hookah, 
of which he took half-a-dozen whiffs, or a cigar." 

" I wish," continues Mr Poole, " I could re- 
member his conversation on political matters, but 
except in the cases of Sind and Baroda, and his 
strong indignation against those who would not 
have rescued our captives in Afghanistan, I cannot 
venture at this distance of time to put on paper 
what he said of those high in office. He had a 
strong feeling of personal responsibility, and spared 
no one who was not true to this test. Consistently 
he was the first to see and reward merit in young 
men." ' 

On January 21, 1850, Outram started from Suez 
on his return to India, landing at Bombay on 
February 7. In the previous December he had 
written from Cairo to Captain Fulljames : " Thank 
the Lord, my pilgrimage is now nearly over. I 
never was more tired of anything in my life, and 
most willingly would have gone back months ago, 
could I have had any excuse for returning before 
my time was up. I tried it once, and got as far as 
Aden, but the termination of the war, which I there 
learned, deprived me of that plea, so I had to come 
back £120 out of pocket by the trip. I should 
return by this mail had I not two more journeys 
to make to complete my inspection of Egypt, which 
I may as well finish since I am about it." 

^ Goldsmid. 


His moods at this period seemed to have varied 
like the play of light and shadow across a wind- 
stirred landscape. According to his biographer, his 
letters home in 1849 betrayed a marked unwilling- 
ness to resume his duties at Baroda. He had even 
applied to Lord Dalhousie for the next vacancy 
at Nagpur. "He would have almost preferred 
retirement from the service altogether, had his 
means permitted ; and to have become Lieutenant- 
Governor of Addiscombe, in succession to Sir 
Ephraim Stannus, then shortly to retire, would 
have been to him a most acceptable contingency." 
Still longing for home, he appears to have indulged 
in visions of some quiet retreat, where " he and his 
wife and son might live together in peace until time 
should bring about a more propitious state of things." 

In Bombay he enjoyed for a time the hospitality 
of his old friends the Willoughbys, pending their 
departure thence to Mahableshwar. He was cheered, 
too, by welcome letters from the Lawrences at 
Lahore, in one of which Lady Lawrence tells him 
how " we often talk of our ten minutes' acquaintance 
with you in the Desert, and only wish it could be 
carried somewhat further." 

Outram returned to Baroda in May, determined, 
in spite of all discouragement from headquarters, 
to carry on his thankless crusade against khatpat. 
On the following day, the 9th, Captain and Mrs 
Fulljames came to stay wdth him, and relieved for a 
time what he called " the melancholy of the great 
house." Between 4 a.m. and sunrise he would take 
his morning ride, after which he usually sat at his 
desk until his breakfast hour at nine. Half an hour 
later he returned to his work till sunset. A drive 


to the parade-ground, followed by half an hour's 
walk, filled up his time before dinner, after which 
he generally wrote for two or three hours ; retiring 
punctually to rest at 9 p.m. Although he liked the 
officers and found their messes good, he never dined 
at mess. "As I always go to bed at nine," he 
writes, "to enable me to get up before daybreak, 
I cannot suit myself to the late hours." 

His assistant. Lieutenant Battye, " kind and 
honest-hearted as ever," was always present at the 
dinner-table, where several officers from camp were 
often w^elcome sfuests. For their amusement he 
resolved to " perpetrate one piece of extravagance. 
. . . The grand undertaking is a bathing-tank, to 
be erected beside the well near the flagstaff : it is 
to be forty feet long and twelve broad, which will 
be a great luxury to all, for at present there is no 
place where they can get a swim." 

"My crusade against corruption goes on," he 
writes to his wife in December ; "no light work," 
as we have seen already. But the incessant occu- 
pation appeared to agree with him, for he "never 
was better." Christmas, however, brought with it 
the inevitable longing to strike work at Baroda and 
hasten homewards to his family circle. " Oh, how 
I wish," he writes, " I could be of the party ! What 
a contrast to a happy Christmas is my solitary 
condition here ! " Battye had gone away for two 
months' leave on account of ill- health, and he was 
once more alone. He was still busily engaged in 
" prosecuting corruption cases," despite the ill-will 
he encountered from natives of all classes. " I am 
progressing slowly but surely," he writes, " in spite 
of every obstacle, and assuredly shall succeed ; but 


the villainy, hypocrisy, and unblushing perjury I 
meet with at every turn, together with the apathy 
of the Government, so thoroughly have disgusted me 
that I am determined to shake the dust off my feet 
and leave Baroda when I have finished the work." ^ 

In April 1851 we find Outram in Bombay, 
exchanging warm farewells with his old friend 
Willoughby, who was about to return home. 
"With his departure I feel," he said, " as if almost 
my last tie to India were severed." Before the 
end of May he was back again in Baroda, disheart- 
ened by the failure of the Bombay Government to 
make good their promises of support in his cam- 
paign against corruption. They appointed a special 
Commission to retry the cases which he himself had 
carefully investigated, and that arch-offender Narsu 
Pant, against whom the Kesident had sent in five 
damning charges, became once more free to parade 
the streets of Baroda in all the pomp and splendour 
of his former greatness. 

By this time Outram saw that the days of his 
official life at Baroda were already numbered. In 
October he forwarded to Lord Falkland's Govern- 
ment, for submission to the Court of Directors, a 
long and fearless report on the khatpat cases. " In 
framing that report," he says, " I deemed it my 
duty to leave nothing untold which was requisite 
to enable the Court of Directors (from whom the 
Bombay Government had withheld my appeals) to 
judge of the nature and propriety of those official 
obstructions which had been thrown in my way." " 

1 Goldsmid. 

2 Baroda Intrigues, and Bombay Khatpat. By Lieutenant-Colonel 
Outram, C.B. Smith, Elder, & Co., London. 


Lord Falkland's answer to so direct a challenge 
was not loner in cominor. It seemed to the Bombay 
Government that Outram's report was couched in 
terms disrespectful to itself, and likely to impair 
its friendly relations with the Gaikwar. An angry 
letter from the Governor in Council dispensed with 
Outram's services in Baroda, but allowed him to 
withdraw in the manner least offensive to his own 
feelings, and least calculated to embarrass the Gov- 
ernment. Outram replied by requesting leave to 
visit the Presidency for a month from December 
15, — an arrangement which, he trusted, would give 
the Government sufficient time for appointing his 

" Do not fancy," he writes to his mother, " that 
I am at all cast down by this. I fully expected it, 
and am not sorry to get away from this sink of 
iniquity ; though, of course, I should have preferred 
a more honourable retreat." 

" You must not think," he adds, " that I am 
coming home to agitate, or to induce the Court to 
censure or annul the measures of the Bombay Gov- 
ernment. Under any circumstances I should never 
be induced to place myself in opposition to my own 
Government ; and the wording of their present 
letter certainly would not warrant me in doing so 

He would simply leave it to the Court of Directors 
to decide whether he could have acted otherwise 
than he had done ; for "I am certain that a care- 
ful perusal of the whole correspondence, and espe- 
cially of the khatpat report, upon which the Govern- 
ment's letter is based, will assure the Court that 
however right Government may be in removing me 


from hence, there rests not the shadow of a stain 
on my character as a man or as a diplomatist." ^ 

There was one circumstance in Outram's career in 
Baroda which he had never mentioned to his own 
family, or even to any of his friends in Bombay. 
There is no doubt that his life was attempted, not 
once, but several times during the progress of his 
hhatpat crusade. The strange and mysterious ill- 
ness which had driven him to Egypt was attributed 
by his doctors to poison, administered either in his 
food or in the hookah which he generally smoked. 
Similar practices were employed against him after 
his return to Baroda. 

In a confidential letter of October 1850 he tells 
Captain Eastwick how he had lately been on the 
eve of succeedincf in his investisfations " regarding 
Baba Nafra's villainy in the Jatabai afi'air." Up to 
that time he had been in good health, and it was 
most important that his health should remain good. 
" I began to fall into a somnolent condition, and to 
present all the symptoms which medical men con- 
sider to indicate the operation on the system of 
narcotic poison." After much puzzling, his doctors 
suggested something wrong in the tobacco which 
he used. "In the most oflf-hand manner I ex- 
pressed to my servant my fear that the tobacconist 
of whom I had bought it might have given me an 
inferior quality. The man instantly grew as white 
as a black man can become, trembled all over, and 
began asseverating in a confused and conscience- 
stricken manner that he had not put any poison 
into the goracho ; a suspicion I had not expressed. 
. . . Next day I thought it right to tell him that, 

^ Goldsmid. 


whether justly or unjustly, the doctor thought I 
had been tampered with, that if I died my body 
would be examined and the cause of my death 
ascertained, and that, if poison were detected, sus- 
picion would then fall on him as having supplied 
my chiUcuns." 

From that day forward the old symptoms abated, 
and had not since returned. " But you rarely fail," 
he adds, "to find a stick when you wish to strike a 
dog, and there are more ways than one of hocussing 
an obnoxious Eesident."^ 

It appears that subsequent attempts to poison 
him were frustrated by the vigilance of kind Dr 
Ogilvie and a few other friends. Besides other 
precautions, the good doctor, in the words of Sir 
F. Goldsmid, " combined with four or five associates 
in an arrangement that one of the band should 
partake of every dish which the Resident tasted 
— a task of some risk in more ways than one, for 
he seemed to have a preference for what was most 

The new year, 1852, found Outram once more 
in Bombay, drafting the last pages of his Baroda 
report, looking up old friends, and interviewing 
members of the Bombay Council, all save the Gov- 
ernor himself, who refused to grant him a private 
audience. On February 17 he embarked for Suez, 
and landed a month later at Southampton. 

^ Goldsmid. 




From Southampton Outram hastened to rejoin his 
wife and son in some quiet lodgings bordering on 
Mayfair. A visit to Brighton during the summer 
was followed by a trip to Boulogne and Paris. At 
watering-places and in Paris " it amused him," says 
a trustworthy informant, "to sit out on the fre- 
quented promenades and watch what was going 
on — always with a cigar in his mouth, and, if 
possible, with an Indian friend. But his acquaint- 
ances were not necessarily Anglo-Indians : he had a 
great faculty of attracting strangers and making the 
most of their society. His frank and open manners 
and quiet fun made him an agreeable companion, 
and wherever he went he picked up friends who 
retained an unusually permanent interest in their 
fellow-traveller. " 

Intolerant of aimless idling, and having no special 
resources, he always " liked to be where ' something 
was going on ' — he did not mind what, so long as 
there was not quiescence or stagnation. When any- 
thing occurred to cheer or interest him his spirits 
would visibly rise, and he would shed his brightness 


In places such as Brighton he delighted in the 
varied aspects of the sea, and the light and move- 
ment of a crowded beach. He would go out sailing 
in the roughest weather, bribing the boatmen to 
encounter perils from which they would else have 

Returning to London in November 1852, Outram 
was just in time to attend the funeral of his old 
friend the great Duke of Wellington, who was buried 
in St Paul's Cathedral amid "the noise of the 
mourning of a mighty nation." From that time 
until July 1853 he appears never to have quitted 
London except for a short visit to Scotland in the 
spring. During the greater part of this period his 
mother had her place of honour in the Outram 
household, enlivening, says her biographer, "many 
a sociable breakfast by her wit and freshness." 

The presence of a friend at breakfast or dinner 
was always welcome, and he liked to meet people at 
his club ; but he steadily refused to go out to 
parties, or pose in public among the lions of the 
hour. After breakfast he would betake himself, 
cigar in mouth, to the Oriental Club, returning home 
to prosecute his researches into Baroda aftairs, to 
write his letters, and to interview his friends in 
Parliament and the India House. His evenings 
were usually spent at his club, or among congenial 
associates at the Cosmopolitan. Meanwhile his wife 
and her son Francis spent man)'' an hour in copying 
out all manner of notes and documents bearing 
upon Outram's official past. 

Towards the close of October 1852 was issued, in 
two huge volumes of a Parliamentary Blue-Book, a 
full but ill-digested report on all matters connected 


with the khatpat scandals and Colonel Outram's 
enforced retirement from Baroda. This Blue-Book 
contains the answer given in June by the Court of 
Directors to Lord Falkland's spiteful charges against 
his plain-speaking subaltern. It contains also the 
dissents recorded from certain passages in the 
Court's despatch by Directors of such mark as 
Colonel Sykes, Captain Eastwick, Messrs W. B. 
Bayley, and Eoss Mangles. Thirteen dissidents in 
all were found to differ from their colleagues, mainly 
in condemnino- the removal of Colonel Outram from 
a post in which he was rendering the highest service 
to the Government of Bombay. These gentlemen 
were virtually of one mind in holding that Outram's 
intemperate language towards his official betters was 
fully condoned, if not wholly justified, by "the zeal, 
ability, and fearless energy which that officer was 
bringing to bear upon the important object of his 
investigations, and which it was the bounden duty, 
as assuredly it was the interest, of the Government 
of Bombay to encourage and support."^ 

The Court of Directors seem, in fact, to have 
halted between two opinions, " scarcely knowing," in 
the words of Sir John Kaye, "whether to applaud 
what he did, or to censure his manner of doing it. 
Bound to maintain the authority of their distant 
rulers, and to condemn insubordination of language, 
the Directors of the Company could not help feeling, 
not only that he had done nobly, but that he had 
done well — that he had promoted their interests 
whilst he was demonstratively asserting his own 
honesty and courage." But for the intervention of 

' Baroda and Bombay : a Narrative drawn from the Papers laid 
before Parliament. By John Chapman. 


the Board of Control, they would probably have 
insisted in reinstating Outram in Baroda. They 
went so far, at any rate, as to express their hope 
"that, when Lieutenant-Colonel Outram shall return 
to India, you will find a suitable opportunity of 
employing him where his talents and experience may 
prove useful to the public service." 

It was not, indeed, with Lord Falkland's approval 
that Outram was destined to return in triumph to 
his former post. In a happy moment the Court of 
Directors decided to transfer the political charge 
of Baroda from the Bombay Government to the 
Governor-General himself. They also requested the 
Marquis of Dalhousie to find suitable employment 
for Colonel Outram on that officer's return to duty. 

Early in July 1853 Outram sailed from South- 
ampton on his way through Egypt to Calcutta. At 
Alexandria he stayed a fortnight, in hopes of being 
required to proceed to Constantinople for active 
service in the war which then seemed imminent 
between Turkey and Russia. Once more his dreams 
of military renown were to be quashed by a message 
from the " Great Elchi," Sir Stratford Canning, who 
assured him that there w^as no present likelihood of 
an appeal to arms. 

Outram reached Calcutta on September 12. A 
welcome letter from Lord Dalhousie awaited his 
arrival. " We had bedrooms adjoining," says Mr 
Inglis Money, " in one of the houses near the Bengal 
Club. One morning he brought his breakfast into 
my room and this letter. . . . Lord D. towards the 
end wrote that he deeply regretted there was 
nothing in his power to offer him that would 
compensate for his brilliant services." 


In this letter Dalhousie said that the post of 
Resident at Haidarabad, for which Outram had 
been recommended by the Court of Directors, had 
already been promised to a civil officer of high 
standing and long service. But, he added, " I have 
officially told the Court that if I am to take charge 
of Baroda, as they desire, I must choose my own 
agent ; and that my first act would be to replace you 
in that Residency." ^ 

On September 13 Outram had his first interview 
with the great Proconsul, who was bent upon trans- 
forming the conquered Punjab into a model province, 
who had just been adding Pegu to the dominions of 
the East India Company, and whose reforming hand 
was making itself felt for good in a hundred ways 
throughout the length and breadth of our Indian 
Empire. The interview was long and most satisfac- 
tory, as Outram tells his wife. The Governor- 
General, who was still reeling under the shock 
caused by the death of his beloved wife on her 
voyage home, " expressed his regret that he could 
not show any hospitality, being unfit company for 
any one. In fact he sees no one, and never moves 
out of his room even for a drive. He is, however, 
assiduous in business, and the amount of work he 
gets through is, I am told, perfectly astonishing ; 
indeed, excessive work seems to be his only solace 
under his deep affliction." 

Outram, for his part, had " every reason to be 
thankful " for the result of an interview which sent 
him back in triumph to Baroda " as the Governor- 
General's agent, with his full support." Pending the 
needful arrangements for that end, Outram stayed on 

^ Outram Papers 


in Calcutta as an honorary member of Dalhousie's 
personal staff". After Dalhousie's return from a tour 
through Pegu, Outram was employed by his new 
chief to write an important " Memorandum on the 
Invasion of India from the Westward." 

From his frequent interviews with the head of the 
Indian Government he seems to have come away 
spellbound by the inherent kingliness of Lord Dal- 
housie's mien and bearing. He told Dr Alexander 
Grant, his lordship's physician and trusted friend, 
" that he had had interviews with the Duke of Wel- 
lington, with Sir Robert Peel, and other leading 
statesmen in England, but never felt such awe and 
such a feeling of inferiority as in interviews with Lord 
Dalhousie, who had ever been most kind to him," ^ 

Before the cold season of 1853-54 came to an end 
Outram had grown heartily tired of the idle kind of 
life he was leading in the City of Palaces. After 
attending a banquet given in his honour by Chief- 
Justice Sir James Colville and a large number of 
his countrymen, he left Calcutta in the latter part 
of February 1854. In Bombay he met with a hearty 
welcome from the new Governor, Lord Elphinstone. 
In company with his former assistant. Captain Battye, 
he arrived at Baroda on March 19. On the follow- 
ing day he paid his first visit to the Gaikwctr, who 
after a moment of awkward silence received the 
reinstalled Ilesident with his accustomed courtesy. 

Under Outram's steady insistence his highness 
ere long found himself constrained to 2:et rid of his 
favourite minister and kinsman, the Bhao, whose 
removal was demanded by the Governor-General 

' Physician and Friend. Edited by John Smith, CM.E., LL.D. 
John Murray, 1902. 


himself. To all the Gaikwar's pleadings on this 
matter Outram turned a deaf ear ; and a month 
later he was able to report that " the Gaikwar has 
not only dismissed the Bhao as required to do, but 
has gone much further, having expelled him from 
the country, and dismissed all his allies besides, 
solemnly pledging himself never to readmit any 
of them to his counsels." By that time also the 
infamous Narsu Pant had disappeared not only 
from Baroda, but from the world in which he 
had intrigued so long and so successfully. 

In May Outram was warmly congratulated by 
Lord Dalhousie on the complete success of his 
mission to Baroda. " The mingled sternness and 
consideration with which you have treated the 
Gaikwar will, I hope, have a lasting effect on the 
Gaikwar himself; and will teach both him and 
those about him, that while the Supreme Govern- 
ment is desirous of upholding him, it must be 
obeyed in all things." 

In the same letter Dalhousie was " concerned to 
learn that the transfer to the new appointment at 
Aden is not agreeable to you. The triumph to you 
seemed to me so great, and the post w^as one I 
thought so much to your mind, that I supposed it 
would be very acceptable to you. 

" The despatch will show you that not only your 
pecuniary interests have been saved from harm, but 
that a strong opinion has been recorded that your 
acceptance of the transfer, far from being an im- 
pediment to your promotion to higher office here- 
after, greatly strengthens your claims. I hope this 
provision will remove some of your distaste." ^ 

^ General John Jacob. By Alexander Innes Shand. Seeley & Co., 1900. 


The Governor- General had already given Outram 
full authority to summon his successor, with per- 
mission to leave for Aden at any moment after 
Major Malcolm's arrival. On June 7, 1854, Outram 
left Bombay on board the Company's war-steamer 
Ajdaha to take up the post of Commandant and 
Political Agent at Aden, the Gibraltar of the 
Arabian Sea. The weather was rough, the lascar 
crew were weak and utterly inefficient for the work 
required of them, and the supply of coal threatened 
to run short. It was sixteen days before Captain 
Barker dropped anchor in the port of Aden with 
scarcely a ton of coal to spare. 

At that time a strong hand and a clear head were 
especially needed for the safeguarding of our new 
possession at the south - western corner of the 
Arabian Peninsula. In the short space of three 
months the new Eesident succeeded in disarming 
the hostility of the neighbouring tribes, and in 
making British influence respected outside the 
borders of his command. Nor did he neglect the 
wellbeing of the troops intrusted to his charge. 
" It has been my unfortunate destiny," he writes 
in August to Lord Elphinstone, "to expose evil 
of one sort or other wherever I go." Thanks to 
his exertions, the tanks and wells, which had 
hitherto supplied the garrison with impure and 
brackish water, were soon to undergo so thorough 
a cleansing that a gallon of pure sweet water could 
be issued daily to each soldier." ^ 

In a like spirit he selected a large plot of ground 
on the northern side of the harbour, where potatoes 

^ Notes on Outram. By the Rev. G. P. Badger. 


and other vegetables might be grown for the use of 
dwellers in the cantonment. 

Outram had started for Aden in the highest 
spirits; "as merry as a marriage - bell " were the 
words he used in one of his letters home. But 
the climate of that Arabian Eden soon told so 
harmfully upon his outward man that we find him 
writing in September to acquaint Lord Elphinstone 
with his failing health and the need of temporary 
absence from his duties. At this juncture he re- 
ceived from Lord Dalhousie the welcome offer of 
the best appointment within his lordship's gift — 
namely, the post of Resident at the Court of Oudh. 

While gratefully acknowledging the " very dis- 
tinguished honour" thus accorded him, Outram pro- 
tested that he would ill deserve the confidence 
placed in him by the Governor-General if he failed 
to bring to his lordship's notice a fact which might 
disqualify him for so important a post. " I allude 
to my ignorance of the Persian language, in which 
I understand the Resident's transactions with the 
Court of Oudh are conducted, and a thorough 
knowledge of which may perhaps be deemed 
essential to the representative of Government at 
that Court." As the state of his health, however, 
demanded a change of climate for a short period, 
Outram proposed, with the sanction of the Bombay 
Government, to proceed at once on sick-leave to 
Calcutta, " in order, should your lordship still deem 
me worthy of holding the Lucknow Residency, I 
may not cause any inconvenience to the public 
interests by unnecessary delay." ^ 

1 Outram MSS. 


Reassured on this point by Dalhousie himself, 
Outram quited Aden on October 27, by the mail- 
steamer, which called there on its way from Suez to 
Garden Reach. A few days earlier he had handed 
over the charge of his office to his old friend and 
fellow-campaigner, Colonel (afterwards Sir) William 
Coghlan, K.C.B., of the Bombay Artillery. The 
regret which Lord Elphinstone expressed at his 
departure was shared, in the words of his able 
assistant, the Rev. G. P. Badger, " by all the sur- 
roundino- tribes, who had learned durino- the short 
space of four months to dread him as an enemy, 
and to love him as a friend." 

On the eve of his departure he found time to 
acquaint his mother with the good fortune which 
had befallen him, and to announce his plans for 
her future welfare. " You can now, therefore, have 
no scruple to receive from me whatever may be 
necessary to your comfort. I formerly said £500 
a-year, but I can well afiford much more than that, 
if you could but be prevailed upon to expend it. 

" Lucknow is a delightful climate I am told, and 
we have a favourite hill station within three days' 
march to go to in the hot weather, where the 
climate is equal to that of Italy. We are looking 
for the English mail, and I trust it will bring a 
letter from you giving a good account of yourself, 
and assuring me that 3^ou will now keep a maid and 
a carriaoe." ^ 

By the middle of November he landed once more 
in the populous city on the Hugli, after an absence 
of only nine months, the greater part of which had 
been passed in strenuous official labours. 

^ Goldsmid. 



1854-DECEMBER 1856. 

Before Outram reached Calcutta Dalhousie had 
started on a voyage along the coast of Orissa in 
quest of the health which grief and overwork had 
broken down. But the instructions which he had 
left behind him for the guidance of the new 
Resident were duly imparted to Outram by Sir 
John Low, who had lately taken his seat in the 
Supreme Council. Outram learned, in the words of 
Kaye, " the settled resolution of Government to 
wait no longer for impossible improvements from 
within, but at once to shape their measures for the 
assertion, in accordance with treaty, of the authority 
of the paramount state. But it was not a thing to 
be done in a hurry. The measure itself was to be 
deliberately carried out after certain preliminary 
formalities of inquiry and reference. It was Out- 
ram's part to inquire."^ 

On his way up the country Outram met with a 
cordial welcome from General Sleeman, the late 
Resident at Lucknow, who had hailed in his suc- 
cessor the very man whom he himself would have 

^ Kaye's Sepoy War. 


selected for such a post. "Had your lordship," he 
had written in September, "left the choice of a 
successor to me, I should have pointed out Colonel 
Outram ; and I feel very much rejoiced that he has 
been selected for the office, and I hope he will come 
as soon as possible." 

At Cawnpore, where he arrived on December 2, 
Outram spent two days in receiving visits from the 
functionaries whom the Kinsj of Oudh had sent for- 
ward to prepare the way for his arrival at Lucknow. 
On December 5 the new Resident made his formal 
entrance into the capital of Oudh, " attended by 
the Residency officers, with a large procession of 
elephants, camel-men, cavalry, and infantry. The 
heir-apparent — the king being indisposed — met the 
Resident half-way between the Dil Khusha and the 
Residency. Outram left his own howdah for that 
of the heir-apparent, and the procession then went 
on, attended by great crowds, among whom money 
was scattered, to the Moti Mahal palace, where a 
banquet was prepared, followed by elephant and 
other wild-beast fio;hts."^ 

In January 1855 Mrs Outram rejoined the hus- 
band from whom she had parted in the summer of 
1853. Outram had already plunged with his wonted 
zeal into the work that lay before him. " He used 
to rise," says his biographer, " before it was light, 
and, after a few minutes' walk on the fiat roof of 
the Residency, set to work, pausing only to eat a 
hurried breakfast, till time for the evening drive, 
which he underwent as a necessary penance. In 
the morning he was occasionally and with difficulty 

1 Recollections of my Life. By Surgeon -General Sir Joseph 
Fayrer, Bart., K.C.S.I., LL.D. Blackwood, 1900. 


persuaded by his wife to accompany her in the 
carriage ; but such an act was the mere pretence of 
an airing. Though by dint of much persuasion he 
had been led to purchase a riding-horse, to get him 
upon it was quite another matter. He is said to 
have only accomplished one or two rides, and 
these apparently because he wished to inspect some 

In the midst of his new labours he still hankered 
after more active service at the seat of war in the 
Crimea. " I must confess," he writes to a friend in 
March, " I am beginning to despond regarding the 
war in the Crimea. I don't like trusting to any 
co-operation from the Turks from Eupatoria. They 
certainly will be defeated by the Russians if they 
move out of their intrenchments, and I see not how 
otherwise we can assemble sufficient forces to com- 
plete the investment of Sebastopol, and at the same 
time keep in check the enormous army Russia will 
now have in the Crimea." 

At Kars also affairs looked so gloomy that he 
regretted the mistake he had made in coming out 
again to India. " All the pomps and luxuries I 
here enjoy are grating to my feelings, for I feel that 
I ought to be sharing the dangers and privations of 
my comrades in the field." 

The news which reached him four months later 
evoked some comments of a more cheerful nature, 
although he felt that nothing less would satisfy 
him than the expulsion of Russia from Georgia and 
Circassia, as well as the Danubian Provinces. 

With all his eagerness to press matters against 
Russia, he ag;reed with Lord Dalhousie as to the 
impolicy of despatching any more European troops 


from India to feed the war in the Crimea. When 
the news of the Santal rising in Birbhum reached 
Lucknow, he wrote on July 28 : " And now it is 
doubly certain that his lordship would not sanction 
the despatch of more troops from India, since the 
insurrection which has lately broken out in Bengal 
(which, though not very formidable, will take time 
and considerable troops to put down) shows how 
well prepared we ought to be for such emeutes, 
this, of the Santals beino- the last that could have 
been anticipated, they being the least warlike, 
and naturally the most peaceable of our Indian 

Before the end of March Outram had forwarded 
to his Government a careful and exhaustive report 
on the condition of Oudh from the first years of the 
century onward. Long before 1855 it had become 
clear that some radical change was needed in the 
government of that unfortunate country. One 
Governor-General after another, from Lord William 
Bentinck to Lord Hardinge, had striven to check 
misrule in the fair province which Wellesley had 
raised into a kingdom. Ever since Wajid All's 
accession in 1847 matters had been going steadily 
from bad to worse. General Sleeman's reports 
from the Residency had shown that such things as 
government, law, and justice had no existence in 
Oudh — that the strong everywhere preyed upon the 
weak, that the Garden of India was fast becoming 
a thorn-covered wilderness, that violence and rapine 
stalked through the land, while the king amused 
himself with a court of fiddlers, singers, buffoons, 
and dancing-girls. 

^ Rev. Dr Badger's Notes on Outram. 


All these evils Outram found flourishing as rankly 
as ever in 1855. He too, like Sleeman before him, 
called upon the Governor-General to enforce his 
treaty rights against a dynasty which in fifty 
years had continually broken all its pledges, and 
to assume the government of a country whose 
native rulers could not be trusted to govern it for 

In the preparation of this report Outram had 
been largely aided by Dr (afterwards Sir) Joseph 
Fayrer, who combined the duties of medical officer 
and political assistant to the Lucknow Kesidency. 
Possessing that knowledge of Persian which Outram 
lacked, Fayrer had been requested to furnish his 
new chief with a daily 'precis of the events recorded 
by a native scribe in the court circular of his 
time and country. " Strange reports," says Fayrer, 
" thus reached me of the king and his doings. His 
various proceedings in the harem and court ; the 
presents he gave, the honours he conferred, and the 
promotions he made ; the oppression of the amils 
(tax-collectors), the resistance of the zemindars and 
talukdars, their fights and the consequences, made a 
story that no one could have imagined." 

" The following," he adds, " will give an idea of 
one of the daily reports: 'His majesty was this 
morning carried in his tonjon to the Mahal, and 
there he and So-and-so [ladies] were entertained 
with the fights of two pairs of new rams, which 
fought with great energy, also of some quails. 
Shawls worth Ks. 100 were presented to the 
jemadar who arranged these fights. His majesty 
then listened to a new singer, and amused himself 
afterwards by kite-flying till 4 p.m., when he went 


to sleep. Reports have come from the village 

of in the district of that Ram Sing, 

zemindar, refused to pay Rs. 500 demanded of him 
by the amil, whereon his house was burned ; he 
was wounded, and his two sons and brothers have 
absconded. Jewan Khan, daroga of the pigeon- 
house, received a khilat of shawls and Rs. 2000 for 
producing a pigeon with one black and one white 
wing. His majesty recited to the Khas Mahal his 
new poem on the loves of the bulbuls,' and so on." 

In spite of his new surroundings and improved 
prospects, Outram's health remained far from good, 
and Fayrer was often called upon to prescribe for 
him. " He was a great smoker," writes Sir Joseph, 
"was hardly ever without a cigar in his mouth; 
and this I tried to alter, but with little success. 
I wrote him a very strong letter on the subject, 
hoping it might have some effect. He replied 
very kindly, saying how implicitly he believed in 
all I said, but that he could not do without his 

Before the close of 1885 Dalhousie had returned 
from the Nilgiris to Calcutta, bowed down and 
crippled by a wasting disease, but intent upon 
doing his duty to the last, and leaving no arrears 
of work for his destined successor. On January 2, 
1856, he received from the Court of Directors their 
final answer to his previous minutes on the past 
and present condition of Oudh. That answer he 
could only read as a positive order to annex the 
kingdom misruled by Wajid Ali. Had any choice 
been left to him, he would have preferred to govern 
Oudh directly through competent British officers, in 
the name and for the ultimate good of the reigning 


dynasty. But the mandates of the India House 
were to him as decrees of fate, and he spent the 
last days of his Indian rulership in carrying out a 
measure the virtual justice of which he could not 

In prompt answer to Dalhousie's summons, Outram 
hastened down to Calcutta to take counsel with his 
chief on the best means of accomplishing the task 
imposed by their honourable masters. Returning a 
few days later to Lucknow, Outram lost no time in 
laying before the king a letter from the Governor- 
General, explaining the terms of a draft treaty 
which his majesty was courteously invited to sign. 
Wajid Ali fell to weeping, called himself a miserable 
wretch, placed his turban in the Resident's hands, 
and with a curious mixture of pride and humility 
refused to sign a covenant which left him still a 
sovereign within his own palace, with a handsome 
yearly allowance for himself, his family, and his 

Seeing that no words of his could move the royal 
voluptuary from his set purpose, Outram withdrew 
from the presence to arrange the next scene in that 
historic drama which began a century earlier in the 
days of Clive. On February 7 he issued the pro- 
clamation in which Dalhousie declared Oudli thence- 
forth a British province. Sir James Outram, K.C.B., 
was appointed Chief Commissioner ; his civil officers 
proceeded to take charge of their several districts, 
while British troops held the capital, and the 
people everywhere submitted quietly to their future 

"Everything," wrote Outram a few days later to 
the Governor-General, " has been going on most 



satisfactorily. Tlie populace of the capital appear 
to have already forgotten they ever had a king, and 
display the same civility to Europeans they were 
previously so noted for. Even the higher classes 
and nobles of the court aj^pear already reconciled 
to the change. In the districts our proclamations 
have been heartily welcomed, I am informed, by 
the middling and lower classes, and even the higher 
display no dissatisfaction ; while tlie more power- 
ful talukdars and chieftains in the provinces are 
turning their allegiance with alacrity." 

He was *' greatly gratified by the zeal displayed 
by all the civil officers, not one of whom has 
oTumbled in the slio;htest degree at being; ordered 
off into the jungles the moment after coming off 
long ddh trips without tents, kit, or servants, to 
find shelter as they best can in the towns or 
villasres." ^ 

For his tardy promotion to a Knighthood of the 
Bath the new Chief Commissioner was mainly 
indebted to the strong representations made on his 
l)ehalf by the retiring Governor-General, who in 
September 1855 had written to the powers at home 
a letter reviewing Outram's past career, and frankly 
avowing his opinion " that General Outram has not 
received the reward that was his due. I venture 
humbly to express my hope," he adds, " that before 
quitting the shores of India I shall enjoy the deep 
gratification of seeing the gracious favour of the 
Crown extended to this most gallant and distin- 
guished officer." 

Writing from Galle on March 14, Dalhousie sent 
Outram his hearty congratulations " on the well- 

1 Outram MSS. 


earned honour," which he had just seen mentioned 
in the 'Gazette.' "And now," he adds, "let me 
bid you farewell. As long as I live I shall re- 
member with genuine pleasure our official connec- 
tion, and shall hope to retain your personal 

It was not long before the peace of Oudh became 
ruffled here and there by breezes ominous of pos- 
sible storm. On February 29, the day on which 
Dalhousie received his successor, Lord Canning, on 
the steps of Government House, the Chief Commis- 
sioner wrote to acquaint the Governor-General with 
the turbulent doings of two najth regiments at 
Baraitch, who refused to have their arrears investi- 
gated by a special committee, or to take service 
under the new Government. " As I suspect they 
are instigated to this by Kajah Man Sing or the 
Tulsipur Rajah, who though professing loyalty are 
no doubt bitterly opposed to our rule, which would 
put an end to their almost independent power, and 
that they, the najths, purpose to instigate others to 
commence a sort of guerilla warfare so soon as the 
hot season will render the operations of our troops 

He proposed to make an example of the mal- 
contents in such a manner as would serve to 
overawe " the immense numbers of discharged 
soldiery now let loose on the country, and perhaps 
save further difficulty with other regiments not yet 
disposed of, which may be instigated to the same 
course through the same influences." 

Turning aside from public and more personal 
matters, Outram bids his chief a regretful fare- 
well : — 


"It is with heavy heart I now say farewell to 
your lordship. May the Almighty in His mercy 
restore that health which has been sacrificed in the 
service of India, and may I yet have opportunities 
of proving my gratitude for the vast benefits and 
generous support I have received from your lordship, 
and more particularly by satisfactorily fulfilling the 
duties of the high functions you have intrusted 
to me, is the earnest prayer of, my dear Lord 
Dalhousie, your most deeply obliged and sincerely 
devoted servant, J. Outram."^ 

Under the heavy work that now devolved upon 
him, Outram's slender store of health soon dwindled 
away. Nor was the burden of his new and some- 
what distasteful duties lightened by the growing 
friction between himself and some of his civilian 
colleagues, who aspired to govern Oudh according 
to the cast-iron methods enforced in the oldest of 
our Indian provinces. As early as April 1856 his 
watchful friend Dr Fayrer " had to insist upon his 
leaving; for Eno^land." Besides the acute rheumatism 
in his neck and shoulders, there were manifest 
symptoms of mischief in the brain, which nothing 
but immediate rest from work could overcome. On 
April 11 Outram announced to Lord Canning the 
imperative need for his temporary absence from 

After making over his office to Mr Coverley Jack- 
son, and sending Lady Outram off to the hills,- her 

J Outtam MSS. 

'^ Lady Outram went to Mussoorie, escorted by her son, now Sir 
Francis Outram, Bart., who had just come out to India as a qualified 
member of the Indian Civil Service. 


invalid husband hastened down the country to catch 
the next mail-steamer from Calcutta. On May 1 
he had a long interview with Lord Canning, who 
" was very kind, and appears to have made himself 
thoroughly acquainted with Oudh politics."^ 

His chief object, however, was to impress his 
lordship with the need of taking " immediate meas- 
ures for the better security of the fortress of Allaha- 
bad. I informed him that the gates were held only 
by Sepoy guards, and that if a Sivaji should arise, 
he might any day obtain possession, by corrupting 
the Sepoys, or by introducing any number of follow- 
ers with concealed arms among the crowds of Hindu 
devotees who were allowed access on certain festival 
days to pay their devotions at the shrines within 
the fort." 

On his way through Cawnpore Outram had ar- 
ranged with General Penny " to have 200 European 
troops in readiness to despatch by bullock-train to 
Allahabad so soon as he should receive the order 
from Calcutta, and I entreated his lordship to send 
the order without delay. He made a note of my 
suggestion, and appeared impressed with the advis- 
ability of carrying it out." 

Outram also found time to write to General 
Anson, the new Commander-in-Chief, "informing 
him of what I had recommended, and begged his 
Excellency to see it done without delay." 

We may imagine Outram's astonishment when 
on his return from Persia to Calcutta in 1857, he 
found " that nothing had been done — that the Fort 
of Allahabad had been saved by a miracle ! Had 
it fallen, the garrison of Lucknow would inevitably 

^ Goldsmid. 


have been sacrificed like that of Cawnpore, for 
Havelock's troops could not have passed Allahabad 
to the rescue. And as it would have taken many 
months to equip an army at Calcutta for the siege 
of Allahabad, the Delhi force also must have been 
sacrificed, and India lost. Whereas had the pre- 
cautions I proposed been adopted, a European 
regiment must have been retained at Cawnpore 
to supply the Allahabad garrison, and General 
Wheeler's party would have been saved." ^ 

On May 3 the Bentinch steamed down the Hugli 
with James Outram on board. It was not before 
the middle of August that he reappeared in London, 
not much the better for his recent wanderings over 
sea and land. " As sea-air, change of scenery, and 
relaxation have been prescribed by the faculty as 
my best medicine," he writes to his mother from 
Suez on May 30, " I shall occupy myself at first, I 
think, in coasting from port to port along the 
shores of the Mediterranean — ofoins;, in the first 
instance, vid Beyrout and Smyrna, to Constantin- 
ople, and thence, md Greece, to Malta ; . . . thence 
I should coast along Italy, going inland to Rome 
and Milan, staying a few days at Naples, Leghorn, 
Genoa, and Marseilles, and thence to Paris and 

He feared, moreover, that an earlier return home 
might involve him in heated discussions at the India 
House and other like annoyances, "which would 
keep me in London, and defeat the object of my 
sea trip to set me up." 

For some days after his arrival he was confined 
to the house by severe rheumatic troubles. Early 

^ Goldsmid. 


in the following month he was able to visit his aged 
mother in Edinburgh, where he owed to her timely 
intervention his narrow escape from death by 
suffocation. One nio;ht after he had gone to bed 
his old Portuo;uese servant blew out the oas in his 
room instead of turning it off. Luckily his mother, 
who was in the adjoining room, smelt the danger, 
and hastened into her son's room to ascertain the 
cause. " Her son was sleeping," says his biographer, 
" wholly unconscious of what had happened ; though 
in another half hour the vapour might have done 
its deadly work upon him, or the house have been 
blown up." 

A subsequent visit to his kind friends, Mr and 
Mrs Mangles, at Brighton, seems to have worked 
wonders upon Outram's bodily health. At the be- 
ginning of November he assures his mother that 
his complaint had left him ; that the air of Brighton 
has invigorated him to such a degree that she would 
scarcely know him again. 

While he was still at Brighton, it appears, accord- 
ing to Mr Stuart Poole, that he was called upon by 
Colonel Sykes, who had come to tell him that the 
Government had resolved to offer him the command 
of an expedition against Persia. " What ! Persia ? " 
exclaimed Outram ; " Pll go to-morrow," On the 
afternoon of November 13, shortly after his return 
to London, he found a messenger awaiting him with 
a note from Colonel Sykes, " requesting my im- 
mediate attendance at the India Board. When I 
got there Mr Vernon Smith ^ and the Chairs of the 
Court of Directors were in conclave. Mr Smith 
then informed me that it had been decided in the 

^ Aftei'wards Lord Lyveden. 


Cabinet yesterday that I was to be offered the 
command of the army which had gone from Bombay 
to Persia, with diplomatic powers and the rank of 
lieutenant - general. I expressed, of course, my 
readiness and gratification ; and was told that I 
should be required to go by the first mail if I pos- 
sibly could, which I declared myself ready to do." ^ 

To Outram this announcement came like the 
trumpet-call to an old war-horse. Five days later 
he embarked at Southampton by the old Overland 
route through Egypt to Bombay. From Malta he 
writes to assure his mother of his entire freedom 
from any return of the old rheumatic troubles. " I 
never felt better or stronger in my life — quite equal 
to any campaign." 

"It is impossible to say," he wrote to Dr Fayrer 
on December 20, " how long I may be occupied in 
Persia, as no one can foresee what may be the effect 
of our present demonstration on the Shah ; but it 
is hardly to be expected that he will at once sub- 
mit to our terms, underhandedly encouraged to 
opposition, as he most likely will be, by French as 
well as Russian advisers, for both are interested in 
undermining our influence in Persia. You will, I 
am sure, consider that I could not in honour have 
declined so important a trust as has been imposed 

^ " Wliile the organisation of this expeditionary force was under 
discussion in Calcutta, the Commander-in-Chief, General Anson, re- 
quested Havelock's sentiments as to the fittest man to command it, 
and mentioned the name of General Stalker. Havelock stated that, 
without any disparagement of the merits of this officer, he consid- 
ered General Outram to be suited above all other men for this im- 
portant enterprise ; and it was partly under the influence of this 
suggestion that the offer was made to him by the Home Govern- 
ment." — Marshman's Life of Sir Henry Havelock. 


on me, sole diplomatic as well as military responsi- 
bility. I only hope I may prove equal to the 
emergency." ^ 

On December 22, 1856, Sir James Outram landed 
in Bombay, whence a division of his army had sailed 
a few weeks earlier for the Persian Gulf, under the 
command of Major-General Stalker. The second 
division, under Brigadier-General Havelock, C.B., 
was being got ready to follow in the same direction. 
By Outram's special desire the command of the 
cavalry was to be intrusted to Colonel John Jacob, 
the brilliant soldier whose merits he himself had 
been among the first to extol. 

1 Outram MSS. 




On December 27 Outram's generous instincts were 
gratified by the tidings of his old comrade's success- 
ful enterprise in the Persian Gulf, By the capture 
of Bushahr on the 10th, General Stalker had struck 
the first blow at Persian arrogance, and secured a 
firm base for the further movements of British 
troops. Meanwhile several causes detained Outram 
for some weeks longer in Bombay. Time was 
needed to complete the equipment of a fieet and 
army strong enough to ensure the speedy triumph 
of our arms. By some mischance Outram's brevet 
rank of lieutenant-general had been limited to India 
alone, and it was not until three days before his 
departure, in the middle of January 1857, that the 
mistake was duly rectified. 

On January 27 Outram landed at Bushahr, where 
he met with a cordial welcome both from General 
Stalker and the British envoy, Mr Murray. By the 
end of the month the greater part of Havelock's 
division had also arrived. Outram had already 
learned that the Persian Government were making 
great preparations to recover their lost stronghold. 
At Burasjun, about forty -six miles inland from 


Bushahr, the Persian commander had assembled a 
force nearly 8000 strong, with eighteen or twenty 

Outram resolved to attack the enemy at once, 
before he could be yet further strengthened. On 
the evening of February 3 he began his march at 
the head of 4500 men, half of whom were British, 
and eighteen guns, leaving a sufficient garrison in 
Bushahr. On the afternoon of the 5th, after a 
trying march of forty-one hours "in the worst of 
weather," his troops came within sight of the Persian 
intrenchments, only to find them vacant of any foe. 
A few horsemen alone were visible in the rear of 
the flying enemy, whose retreat through strong 
mountain-passes Outram, with his small force, few 
cavalry, and slender commissariat, deemed it rash 
to follow. In the hurry of their flight, however, the 
Persians had left behind them vast heaps of warlike 
stores, enough for the feeding and equipment of a 
large army. Of these, all that was useful or port- 
able was either brought away or given out among 
the troops, the remainder being destroyed upon the 
spot before Outram began his march home. 

On the evening of the 7th, by the light of explod- 
ing magazines, the army began to retrace its steps 
towards Bushahr. It had not gone far, however, 
when the Persian horse began to worry its rear, and 
ere long to threaten it on every side. The halt was 
presently sounded, and the troops formed square to 
protect the baggage. Under a galling fire from four 
heavy guns they awaited the slow approach of dawn. 
The first light of morning revealed to our troops a 
Persian army from 6000 to 7000 strong, drawn up 
in fighting order on their left rear. 


The order to advance was promptly given. Our 
cavalry and artillery swept forward, with the iu- 
fantr}^ behind them in double line. While the guns 
were doing their wonted duty against the Persian 
ranks, the Poonah Horse and the 3rd Bombay 
Cavalry made two dashing charges into the thick of 
the Persian bayonets. In one of their onsets the 
Bombay troopers crashed into a square of infantry, 
and riding through and through it, left nearly a 
whole regiment dead upon the spot. At sight of 
such slaughter the enemy broke and fled, throwing 
their arms away as they ran, and owing their escape 
from worse disaster only to the scant numbers of the 
British horse. 

The fight had taken place near the village of 
Khushab, some five miles only from Burasjun. By 
ten o'clock the victors found themselves easy masters 
of a field strewn with 700 dead, besides two field- 
guns and many hundred stand of arms. Our 
infantry never came within reach of the foe. Ten 
killed and sixty-two wounded, many of them during 
the night, made up the whole of the British loss. 
To Major-General Stalker and Colonel Lugard, chief 
of the staff", was assigned by Outram himself the real 
credit for this achievement ; their brave commander 
having in the first moments of the night-alarm been 
so stunned by the falling of his charger as to have 
only resumed his place in time to witness the 
enemy's final discomfiture. Before midnight of the 
following day, the 9th, most of our tired troops were 
back again at Bushahr, after another long march 
through a country in many places scarcely passable 
for the never-ending rain.^ 

^ Trotter's British Empire in India, vol. ii. 


Writing to Lord Elphinstone on February 15, 
Outram speaks of the hearty support which he had 
received from General Stalker. " Not content with 
seconding me in command, he insisted on my being 
his guest and sharing his tent. No brother could be 
more kind or cordial, and I shall be very sorry to 
leave him for a time. His position here will be very 
onerous until reinforced, or until I can return ; for, 
on learning the diminution of the force here, the 
enemy may be encouraged to come on, though I do 
not think this immediately likely." 

The experience gained on the march to Burasjun 
had taught him the futility of attempting, with his 
limited means, to reach the Persian capital by the 
way of Shiraz. He resolved therefore to make all 
due preparations for an attack upon Muhamra, a 
fortified town on the right bank of the Karun river, 
commanding at once the passage of the Euphrates 
and the approach by water to Ispahan. Some weeks 
had to elapse before the whole of the promised rein- 
forcements reached Bushahr in transports towed by 
slow steamers. On March 4 he began embarking 
the troops detailed for service against Muhamra ; 
but it was not until the 15th that Havelock with 
a wing of his 78th Highlanders joined the fleet 
anchored some thirty miles below Muhamra. 

Meanwhile Outram had been detained at Bushahr 
by the illness and death of General Stalker, and the 
need of finding a competent ofiicer to fill his place. 
Happily the arrival of Colonel Jacob, at the head of 
his famous Sind Horse, gave Outram the very man 
he wanted for the Bushahr command, and left him 
free at last to carry out his scheme for bringing 
Persia to her knees. 


On the evening of March 21 the Company's 
steamer, the Feroze, bore Sir James Outram up to 
the fleet, alrearlv assembled off the Shat-ul-Arab 
mouth of the Euphrates. Three days later the war- 
steamers, commanded by Commodore Young, passed 
up the Shat-ul-Arab, towing the troop-ships, aboard 
which were distributed about 4900 soldiers, includ- 
ing 400 horse and two batteries of artillery. Some 
of the transports grounded on the way, and night 
had set in before the last of them dropped anchor off 
Hurteh, an Arab village just above the junction of 
the Shat-ul-Arab with the Karun, about thirty miles 
from the sea, and only three below Muhamra. 

On the same day a mishap befell the Feroze, for 
a full account of which I am indebted to Captain 
Hewison, then a young naval officer on board the 
steam-frigate which carried Outram and his staff. 
"We were towing a large sailing-ship full of troops 
from Bushahr, and on entering the river grounded 
on a mudbank, and stuck fast until the tide rose. 
The sailing-ship, requiring less depth of water, ran 
into us, and embedded her stem in the centre of our 
stern, at the same time upsetting the large deck- 
house (where Outram and his staff were) with her 
bowsprit. We thought they were all killed by the 
roof falling on them, but, strange to say, with the 
exception of Dr Badger, who had his face and eye 
badly cut, the others were hauled from under the 
roof unhurt, owing to four heavy brass stanchions 
round the hatchway that led to the sleeping-deck 
below preventing the roof falling flat, also a strong 
black- wood table. It created some little excitement 
on board, as you may imagine." 

The next day was spent in preparing a raft for 


the mortar battery, and transferring guns, troops, 
and stores from the larger vessels into boats and 
small steamers. At daybreak of the 26th the 
mortar battery opened a heavy fire upon the 
enemy's works from the shelter of a low island. At 
7 A.M. the men-of-war moved up the Karun under 
a raking fire, which none of them returned until 
they had all gained their proper places. Then in 
one and the same moment the din of their answering 
guns began. After two hours' steady pounding the 
fire from the fort batteries slackened more and more 
until it ceased ; the signal for the transports soon 
brought them up above the northernmost defences ; 
and by half -past one the troops, all safely dis- 
embarked, began their march upon the enemy's 
intrenchments. But the enemy, commanded by 
Prince Mirza, were already in full flight, leaving 
behind them all their seventeen guns, much ammu- 
nition, and a vast amount of public and private 
stores. A scouting party of Sind Horse under 
Captain Malcolm Green followed the fugitives for 
several miles; but for want of sufficient cavalry 
and guns at the right moment it was impossible 
to continue the pursuit. 

Muhamra, in fact, had been won by the warships 
of the Indian navy, consisting of four steam-frigates, 
one steam-sloop, and two sloops of war. "The 
gentlemen in blue," wrote Havelock, "had it all to 
themselves, and left us naught to do." The small- 
ness of the British loss — ten killed and thirty 
wounded — was largely due to the foresight of Com- 
mander Rennie, who lined the bulwarks of each 
vessel with trusses of pressed hay, through which a 
Persian matchlock-ball could make no way. " Thus 


300 bullets," says Lieutenant Low, " were found 
buried in the sides of the Feroze, and vast numbers 
were shaken out of the hay-trusses." The fire, more- 
over, from the enemy's guns had been unsettled at 
the last moment " by the bold step of closing on the 
batteries, by which the loss of the ships, engaging 
under a point-blank fire, at a range varying between 
60 and 300 yards, was greatly reduced."^ 

In planning the attack on Muhamra Outram had 
intended to take his post on board the leading ship. 
In vain did some of his officers point out the danger 
to which he would thus be exposing a life so im- 
portant to the service on hand. Fortunately one of 
his most confidential friends determined to appeal 
to Outram's generosity by suggesting that " his 
presence with the leading ship might deprive the 
Commodore and the Indian navy generally of some 
of the honour which was to be won." The bait 
took at once, and he arranged to follow in the 
Scindian after the forts had been battered by the 

"As it proved, however," says Dr Badger, "Out- 
ram did not thereby place himself beyond personal 
danger. As the diff'erent vessels moved up the 
river they were exposed to the fire of several field- 
pieces which the Persians had detached to arrest 
their progress, and to frequent volleys of musketry 
from behind the mud wall which enclosed the date- 
groves on its banks. The Scindian, carrying the 
old Indian jack, or gridiron, as the sailors call it, 
was specially marked for these attacks. A round- 
shot from one of their guns struck down Captain 
Havelock's servant and killed him on the spot, and 

^ Low's History of the Indian Navy. 


a musket-ball was prevented from wounding Out- 
ram's foot by a lucky hookah which happened to 
stand before him. Outram at the time was calmly 
surveying the movements of the enemy on shore, 
dropping his glass every now and then to order 
the men, who belonged to H.M.'s glorious 64th 
Regiment, and who would be peering above the 
bulwarks, not to expose themselves. He had 
hardly uttered the words, ' Down, men of the 
64th ! ' when a shower of balls from the shore 
rattled over the deck, happily missing the General, 
whose whole person was exposed to the assailants. 
' They have put your pipe out,' was his only 
remark, addressing himself to his friend, who had 
been smoking the hookah, quite unconscious of the 
danger which he had escaped." ^ 

On the 29th three small steamers, three gunboats, 
and as many ships' boats, carrying among them 300 
British infantry, started up the Karun under the 
command of Captain Rennie in quest of the van- 
ished foe. On the morning of April 1 a body of 
these, numbering 7000 infantry and many hundred 
horse, with six guns, were seen strongly posted 
near the town of Ahwaz, 100 miles up the Karun. 
A few rounds from the gunboats sent the brave 
army once more flying, with swarms of plundering 
Arabs at their heels. Two days were spent in 
carrying away the sheep, arms, and mules discovered 
in Ahwaz, and in distributing the captured stores 
of grain among the people of the country. On 
April 4 the flotilla steamed down again towards 

In his despatch to the Indian Government Out- 

^ Eev. G. P. Badger's Notes on Outram. 



ram dwells on the admirable manner in which his 
instructions had been carried out, and on the " com- 
plete success which has attended the energetic and 
judicious measures adopted by all concerned ; 
indeed it is impossible to calculate upon the 
advantaofes that must ensue from the successful 
result of this expedition, in the effect it will have 
upon the Arab tribes, who, in crowds, witnessed 
the extraordinary scene of a large army of 7000 
infantry, with five or six guns, and a host of 
cavalry, j^recipitately retreating before a detach- 
ment of 300 British infantry, three small river- 
steamers, and three gunboats."^ 

A few days later the war was virtually ended by 
the truce which Outram ordered on hearing of the 
treaty then actually on its way from Paris for final 
ratification at Teheran. At Paris on March 4 the 
English and Persian commissioners had signed an 
agreement which pledged the Shah to renounce all 
claim of sovereignty over Herat, or any other 
Afghan province. In any future quarrel between 
Persia and Afghanistan England was to act as a 
friendly mediator. The treaty for suppressing the 
slave-trade in the Persian Gulf was to be pro- 
longed for another ten years after the expiry of 
its original term ; and in all matters of commerce 
and politics Great Britain was henceforth to stand 
on an equal footing with the most favoured of her 

On April 14 the Shah aftixed his signature to a 
treaty which relieved England from further embroil- 
ment with a foreign Power at the very moment 
when all her resources were about to be needed for 

' Quoted by Lieutenant Low. 


the preservation of lier Indian Empire. At Baghdad 
on May 2 the final ratifications of the treaty were 
exchanged. On May 9 Sir James Outram issued a 
field-force order thanking the troops for their past 
services, and bidding them prepare for a speedy 
return to India. 

By that time, indeed, he knew that his country- 
men in Northern India were walking per ignes 
suppositos cineri doloso. Some weeks earlier the 
smouldering disaffection among the Bengal Sepoys 
had blazed into open mutiny at Barrackpur and 
Bahrampur. All through March and April the 
tokens of coming evil had been growing more rife. 
Night after night fresh fires, whose origin remained 
a mystery, broke out in the wide Ambala canton- 
ment ; and the men who handled the new Enfield 
cartridges were exposed to the jeers and insults 
of their less loyal comrades. Early in April Lord 
Elphinstone had sent Outram an urgent request 
for the despatch of every European soldier with 
all possible haste to Bombay and Calcutta. 

On the morning before their return to India the 
78th Highlanders had been reviewed for the last 
time by their beloved General, Sir James Outram. 
But the men were not satisfied with a farewell of 
this formal nature. Through the mediation of their 
own officers, Colonel Stisted arranged with an officer 
of Outram's stafi" that the General should be de- 
tained in his tent on one pretext or another to 
receive their parting homage. Towards the evening 
the sound of their bagpipes announced their ap- 
proach. After some persuasion Outram consented 
to come forth. " No sooner," says Dr Badger, 
"was he seen by the men than they burst out 


into a cheer such as brave British soldiers only 
can give. Outram attempted to address them, 
but his sentences were interrupted by renewed 
outbursts which so much affected him that he 
could scarcely speak. An Italian oflScer in the 
service of the Pasha of Baghdad, who was an eye- 
witness of this scene, remarked to an officer of 
the force, ' I should be sorry to command a whole 
division of Persians against that one regiment of 
Highlanders.' " 

Writing on April 27 to Lord Elphinstone, Outram 
pointed out that the mutinous spirit so rife in the 
Bengal army resulted from " the faulty system of 
its organisation, so different from that of Bombay, 
where such insubordination is scarcely possible ; for 
with us the intermediate tie between the European 
officers and the men — i.e., the native officers — is 
a loyal efficient body, selected for their superior 
ability, and gratefully attached to their officers in 
consequence. Their superior ability naturally exer- 
cises a wholesome influence over the men, among 
whom no mutinous spirit could be engendered 
without their knowledge, and the exertion of their 
influence to counteract it ; whereas the seniority 
system of the Bengal Army supplies neither able 
nor influential native officers — old imbeciles merely, 
possessing no control over the men, and owing no 
gratitude to their officers, or to the Government, 
for a position which is merely the result of seniority 
in the service." 

He had once spoken his mind on this subject to 
Lord Dalhousie, who assured him that he too had 
seriously considered the matter, and had consulted 
some of the highest officers of the Bengal Army. 


But they, "one and all, deprecated any attempt 
to change the system, as a dangerous innovation. 
Whatever the danger, it should be incurred, the 
change being gradually introduced ; for, as at 
present constituted, the Bengal Army never can 
be depended on."^ 

Leaving his native troops and European artillery 
under Jacob's command to hold Bushahr until the 
Persians should have withdrawn from Herat, Outram 
hastened in the latter part of May to Baghdad, to 
take measures for ensuring the due fulfilment of 
the treaty on Persia's part. 

At Baghdad he was tortured by fears " for my 
wife and son," as he writes to Mr Mangles. " He is 
stationed at Aligarh, and she was with him when 
I last heard from her in the middle of May, but 
expected to leave for Landour in ten days. At 
that time all was tranquil in that quarter, but ere 
she could leave most probably the country may 
have risen, and God only knows what may have 
been her fate. It is dreadful to contemplate." 

These fears were allayed soon after his return 
to Bushahr in the middle of June. " My wife and 
son," he writes, " had a narrow escape from Aligarh. 
. . . The Sepoys at last broke out in mutiny, and 
all Europeans were obliged to fly. Our boy Frank 
placed his mother behind him on a pony, and carried 
her safely till they overtook a carriage on the Agra 
road, and they made good their way to Agra ; but 
all their kit (including her jewels and some of my 
medals, &c.) was sacrificed, except the clothes on 
their backs. Her latest letter was dated 26th May, 
by which time she had recovered from her fatigues, 

1 Goldsmid. 


but was in much anxiety about Frank, who forms 
one of a band of volunteers who scour the country 
to rescue isolated Europeans." 

Lady Outram's letter to her husband had not 
told him all the facts. "The pony," says Sir F. 
Goldsmid, " rebelled against the double burden, and 
so they had to walk for more than half a mile 
through cantonments — the Sepoys looting the 
bungalows as they passed. Lady Outram's thin 
shoes fell off, and her feet were much blistered by 
the hot sand." 

On June 17 Outram started for Bombay in com- 
pany with Colonel Lugard and the officers of his 
staff. From June 26 to July 9 he remained at 
Bombay as the guest of Lord Elphinstone, awaiting 
further instructions from Calcutta, and diligently 
revolving the best means of battling with the 
hurricane of revolt and bloodshed already raging 
over a large part of British India. Tired of waiting 
for instructions which never reached him, he em- 
barked from Bombay on July 9 for Galle, whence 
he took the first available steamer for Calcutta. 




On the last day of July 1857 Sir James Outram, 
G.C.B., landed in Calcutta, having just received the 
Grand Cross of the Bath in reward for his services 
against the Persians. For our imperilled country- 
men in India July had been a month of torturing 
anxiety, of incessant alarms, relieved by a few- 
gleams of hope, too often swallowed up in a black 
cloud of unspeakable disaster. Even in the strongly 
governed, well-policed Punjab the fear of Nicholson's 
avenging column had failed to avert a formidable 
outbreak at Sialkot. The little army, which on 
June 8 had encamped before Delhi, seemed by the 
close of July as far as ever from the capture of a 
great walled city bristling with guns and garrisoned 
by more than 30,000 trained Sepoys. In the North- 
West Provinces the fort of Agra was filled with 
fugitives from the neighbouring districts, and held 
by a garrison too weak to cope with the lawlessness 
everywhere rampant outside its walls. All Oudh 
was in wild revolt, and the untimely death of Sir 
Henry Lawrence in his Residency which his fore- 
sight had made defensible marked the first days of 
a siege memorable for the sufi"erings and the daunt- 


less heroism of a few hundred men and women 
under the most trying conditions, in the face of 
overwhelming odds. 

From Allahabad, succoured in the nick of time by 
Colonel James Neill and his Madras Fusiliers fresh 
from restoring order in Benares, General Havelock 
and his recent comrades of the Persian war had 
fought their way in triumph to Cawnpore against 
thousands of armed mutineers sent out for their 
undoing by the miscreant Nana of Bithur. They 
had already learned something of the fate which 
befell Sir Hugh Wheeler's hapless garrison in the 
last days of June, but they still hoped to rescue 
the women and children whom the Nana held in 
close captivity. On the night of July 16 Havelock's 
weary soldiers slept on the parade-ground of Cawn- 
pore, still unprepared for the crowning catastrophe, 
whose tokens on the morrow were to meet their 
eyes. Not until then did they learn the whole 
truth; how on the evening of July 15, the day of 
his last defeat, the ruthless Nana had caused the 
remnant of his captives — men, women, and children 
— to be shot down, hacked, stabbed, or beaten to 
death, within the bungalow which had been their 
prison for a fortnight past, and how next morning 
their mangled bodies had been stripped and tumbled 
into the nearest well. Two hundred in all, includ- 
ing those who had survived the slaughter of Fathi- 
garh, appear to have perished on that night of 
horror. Of all the 900 souls who entered the 
doomed intrenchment in the first week of June, 
four only, two officers and two privates, survived to 
rejoin their countrymen at Allahabad. 

Before the end of July mutiny and rebellion were 


rampant also in the province of Bihar, where the 
mutineers from Dinapore acted in concert with the 
armed retainers of Kunwar Singh. From his 
quarters at Government House Outram wrote on 
August 2 to inform Lord Elphinstone that events 
had occurred in Dinapore and elsewhere which 
required his " immediate services in command of 
the two divisions of the Bengal army," covering the 
whole distance from Calcutta to Cawnpore. Besides 
his appointment to this double charge, Lord Canning 
intrusted him a few days later with the post of 
Chief Commissioner in Oudh, left vacant by the 
death of Sir Henry Lawrence. His lordship further 
insisted on Outram's retaining the appointment of 
Governor- General's Agent for Eajputana, in spite of 
Outram's earnest desire to hand that post over to 
his locum tenens, Sir George Lawrence, " one of my 
companions in chase of Dost Muhammad over the 
Hindu Kush in 1839." ^ 

On the evening of August 6 Outram started on 
his voyage up the Ganges with Colonel Robert 
Napier of the Bengal Engineers — afterwards Lord 
Napier of Magdala — for his military secretary and 
chief of the stafi*. " I take up a mountain train 
with me," he writes to Lord Elphinstone, "but no 
artillerymen are to be had, and I must extemporise 
a crew for the guns as best I can from among the 
sailors and soldiers. You will allow my prospects 
are not very brilliant, but your lordship may rely 
on my doing my best to uphold my honour as a 
Bombay officer, and to prove myself worthy of the 
confidence you have always placed in me." ^ 

The soldiers to whom he refers belonged to the 

^ Letter to Dr Badger. 2 Kaye's Sepoy War, 


5th and 90th Regiments of Foot. On his way up 
the river Outram learned how gloriously Vincent 
Eyre, at the head of 220 Europeans and three 
guns, had won his perilous way through thousands 
of Bihar insurgents to the rescue of Wake's heroic 
little garrison at Arrah, at the very moment when 
hope had wellnigh given place to despair. At 
Dinapore on the 18th Outram received perhaps his 
first telegram from the new Commander-in-Chief, 
the veteran Sir Colin Campbell, who expressed the 
hope that Eyre's success in Bihar would enable Sir 
James Outram to send on his European troops at 
once to Allahabad. "It is an exceeding satisfaction 
to me," Sir Colin added, " to have your assistance, 
and to find you in your present position." 

Not until the evening of September 1 did Out- 
ram arrive at Allahabad. By that time Havelock 
had fallen back upon Cawnpore, disheartened by 
the failure of two attempts made in the teeth of 
appalling obstacles to relieve the daily dwindling 
garrison of Lucknow. He had even talked of re- 
tiring as far as Allahabad unless the reinforcements 
he sorely needed were sent up to him without de- 
lay. The prospect indeed was enough to daunt the 
most sanguine leader of troops in the field ; for 
cholera, sunstroke, dysentery, and the inevitable 
losses in battle against heavy odds had reduced 
Havelock's effective strength from 1300 men to 700. 
His spirits had been further depressed by the know- 
ledge that another olhcer was about to relieve him 
of his command. 

On this point, however, Outram had already 
taken care to reassure him. On August 28 he had 
telegraphed to Havelock announcing his intention 


to retain that officer in command of the relieving 
force. " I shall join you with the reinforcements. 
But to you shall be left the glory of relieving Luck- 
now, for which you have already struggled so much. 
I shall accompany you only in my civil capacity 
as Commissioner, placing my military service at 
your disposal should you please, serving under 
you as volunteer."^ This act of heroic self-ab- 
negation, over which Outram had pondered long 
and anxiously, and which he lived sincerely to re- 
gret, was warmly commended at the time both by 
Sir Colin Campbell and the Governor-General. 

On the night of September 5 Outram began his 
march towards Cawnpore at the head of the 90th 
Foot, having sent on half of his force under Major 
Simmons in the first hours of the same day. At 
the second stage of his march he was joined by a 
strong company of the 78th Highlanders, despatched 
by bullock-train from Benares. On the morning of 
the 10th Outram despatched Major Eyre with two 
guns and 150 men mounted on elephants to look 
after a body of insurgents who were threatening to 
outflank him. "As Major Eyre commands the 
party," he wrote to Havelock, " he will succeed if 
any one can in discomfiting the scoundrels."^ Eyre 
discharged his errand so completely that few of the 
enemy escaped across the river. 

On the morning of the 15th more than half of 
Outram's reinforcements marched into camp at 
Cawnpore, The rest were brought up later in the 
day by their noble leader, who found himself warmly 
welcomed, both by his friend and comrade of the 
Persian war and by Havelock's bold lieutenant, 

^ Marshman's Havelock. 2 Goldsmid. 


James Neill. He had intended, if need arose, to 
make Cawnpore by forced marches ; but one day's 
experience convinced him of the danger of overtax- 
ing the strength of men, some hundreds of whom 
had been cooped up for five months on board ship 
and in river-steamers. " As we have such favour- 
able accounts of the Lucknow garrison," he wrote 
to Havelock on September G, " and it being of im- 
portance you should receive your reinforcements in 
an efficient state, I propose to pursue the ordinary 
ten marches to Cawnpore." ^ Three days later he 
was able to telegraph to the Commander-in-Chief, 
" We are getting on better, as the 90th get more 
accustomed to their shore-legs."^ 

Thanks to Outram's timely dissuasions, Havelock's 
order for the immediate advance of his troops across 
the Ganges was countermanded, pending the con- 
struction of a bridge of boats on the Cawnpore side. 
During the three days spent upon this work by 
Crommelin and his sappers, aided by the coolies 
whom Mr John Sherer, the energetic magistrate, 
had got together, Outram's magnetic influence made 
itself felt among all classes of his countrymen at 
Cawnpore. "Although every soldier," writes Cap- 
tain John Robertson, "had perfect confidence in 
Brigadier -General Havelock, all who had served 
with Outran! were delighted to see him again. . . . 
During the few days he was at Cawnpore he got up 
sports for the amusement of the men, as he had 
done in Persia, awarding prizes to the successful 
competitors. His unselfish and generous nature in 
allowing Havelock to command until the garrison 
of Lucknow had been relieved was characteristic of 

1 Goldsmid. ^ Forrest's Selections, &c., vol. ii. 


the man. He never appeared to have any thought 
for himself." ^ 

Mr Sherer " felt somewhat nervous on entering 
a room in the large house on the bank, where he 
[Outram] had taken up his quarters — a little out 
of conversation, as one does find oneself when first 
in the presence of a person of whom one has heard 
much. The kindly face, the friendly hand extended, 
the entire absence of stiffness or self-consciousness 
— reminding me greatly, in this noble and natural 
simplicity, of Mr Thomason — soon brought reassur- 
ance. He took the trouble to show me a map of 
Lucknow, and to explain some of the difficulties of 
reaching the Eesidency. And never neglecting an 
opportunity of encouraging what he thought was 
right, he told me he had not failed to observe how 
harmoniously all efforts for the objects in view were 
working together." " 

On the morning of the 16th Sir James Outram 
issued the famous order which transferred to 
Havelock the sole command of the troops destined 
for the relief of Lucknow. " The important duty 
of first relieving the garrison of Lucknow has been 
intrusted to Brigadier- General Havelock, C.B. ; and 
Major- General Outram feels that it is due to this 
distinguished officer, and the strenuous and noble 
exertions which he has already made to effect that 
object, that to him should accrue the honour of 
the achievement. Major -General Outram is con- 
fident that the great end for which General 
Havelock and his brave troops have so long and 

1 Outram MSS. 

2 Daily Life during the Indian Mutiny. By J. W. Sherer, C.S.I. 
Swan, Sonnenschein, & Co. 


SO gloriously fought will now, under the blessing 
of Providence, be accomplished. 

"The Major-General therefore, in gratitude for, 
and admiration of, the brilliant deeds in arms 
achieved by General Havelock and his gallant 
troops, will cheerfully waive his rank on the 
occasion ; and will accompany the force to Luck- 
now in his civil capacity as Chief Commissioner of 
Oudh, tendering his military services to General 
Havelock as a volunteer. On the relief of Luck- 
now the Major-General will resume his position at 
the head of the force." ^ 

That such an order, in Mr Sherer's opinion, " did 
honour to his heart, no one, of course, could dis- 
pute. But there was no question of Outram's 
heart. He was known to be the most generous 
man alive. The difficulty that exercised many 
military minds was of a different kind. Can an 
officer, intrusted with a task by the Queen, make 
that task over to another person ? " What Outram 
himself thought upon this subject a few years later 
will be shown in a subsequent chapter. 

In the early morning of September 19 the reliev- 
ing column, now mustering about 3000 fighting 
men, began its fateful march over the bridge of 
boats into Oudh. Outram reined up his mottled 
roan horse on the mound where Mr Sherer and a 
few other friends were standing. " He was bearded 
and sat erect, as if his youth had returned. The 
long array wound down to the water, and slowly 
crossed over into Oudh. Men of history were 
there : Havelock and Napier, Neill and Eyre ; and 
many others. The pageant passed us ; and by 

^ Marshmau. 


nightfall the troops were spread out on the opposite 
shore. Next day the heavy guns were taken over 
— a task of some trouble, of course."^ 

The first infantry brigade, commanded by Neill 
himself, consisted of the Madras Fusiliers, the 5tli 
Fusiliers, the 84th Foot, and two companies of the 
64th. The second, composed of the 78th High- 
landers, the 90th Light Infantry, and Brayser's 
Sikhs, was led by Colonel Hamilton of the 78th. 
The field-batteries of Maude and Olpherts, together 
with Vincent Eyre's heavy guns and howitzers, 
made up the artillery brigade under the command 
of Major Cooper. Crommelin commanded the 
Engineers. To Captain Barrow of the Madras army 
had been assigned the leadership of the Volunteer 
Cavalry, about 150 in all, two-thirds of whom were 
ofiicers in search of employment, indigo - planters, 
refugee tradesmen, and police patrols. Conspic- 
uous among these for his powerful war-horse and 
the stout cudgel which he carried in the place 
of any other weapon, rode our Indian Bayard, in 
himself a host. 

Only forty-five miles lay between the river and 
the goal of every man's desire. But the rainy 
season was not yet over, and for three days our 
men had to tramp along through a flooded country 
under a downpour of persistent rain. On the morn- 
ing of the 21st they had marched only five miles 
from camp when the enemy were seen in great 
numbers with twelve guns about the village of 
Mangalwar. A strong turning movement against 
the enemy's right was promptly seconded by a 
dashing charge of Barrow's volunteers, foremost 

^ Sherer's Daily Life, &c. 


among whom was Sir James Outram, as eager for 
the fray as when, many years before, he started 
in chase of Dost Muhammad. " A turn in the 
road," to quote from Mr G. W. Forrest, " disclosed 
right ahead a dense body of rallied rebels. ' Close 
up and take order,' shouted Barrow, and in a word 
they plunged forward and rode into the mass, 
sabring right and left ; Outram's malacca in full 
play. Pursued and pursuers rolled pell-mell along 
the road to Bashiratganj. Two guns behind an 
intrenchment barred the way. Barrow, his men 
following him, rushed at the earthwork and over it, 
cut down the gunners and captured the guns. The 
rebels were pursued and sabred through the town 
till the great serai beyond was reached. A hundred 
and twenty killed, two guns and the regimental 
colours of the 1st Bengal Native Infantry captured, 
attested the vigour of the pursuit." ^ 

For eight miles, as far as Bashiratganj, was the 
pursuit continued. Havelock gave the routed 
enemy no time to destroy the bridge over the 
Sai, or to carry across it more than four of their 
guns. That night the column bivouacked a little 
beyond Bashiratganj. On the 22nd it crossed the 
Sai, still under a drenching rain, and found shelter 
for the night in some neighbouring villages. During 
that afternoon the firing at Lucknow could be heard 
so plainly that a royal salute was fired from Eyre's 
24-pounders, in the hope of its reaching the ears of 
our countrymen only sixteen miles away. But that 
hope proved fallacious, for the wind was blowing 
in the wrong direction. 

On the 23rd Havelock's force marched on for 
^ Forrest's Selections. 


some ten miles along a road lined by broad swamps 
to attack 10,000 or 11,000 rebels strongly posted 
about the walled park and gardens of the Alambagh, 
the great summer palace of the kings of Oudh. In 
the face of a steady fire from many guns the 
assailants plunged through the intervening marshes, 
drove the enemy before them at every turn, and 
stormed the park with the adjacent buildings, 
taking five guns, and following up the routed 
enemy to the very skirts of Lucknow. Outram's 
volunteers and Johnson's irregulars vied with each 
other in deeds of successful daring, charging some 
of the guns, cutting down the gunners, and chasing 
the Pandies back to their intrenchments beyond the 
canal. Sixty officers and men slain or wounded 
was the price paid by Havelock for a victory which 
placed him within arm's-length of his long-desired 

Barrow and Outram, joined by Olpherts with his 
light guns, had chased the rebels up to the Charbagh 
bridge which spanned the canal. The failing day- 
light stayed their further progress at a point too 
strong to be carried by a sudden rush. As Outram 
was riding back with his men he received a de- 
spatch announcing the fall of Delhi and the flight 
of its king. Later in the evening our wet and 
weary soldiers drank in the glad tidings from 
Outram's own lips as he passed along the lines 
of their respective bivouacs. The ringing cheers 
which everywhere followed the reading of Brigadier 
Wilson's letter seemed to find their answer in the 
booming of the guns from the hard-pressed garrison 
of Lucknow. 

All that day, indeed, the people in the Eesidency 


had been listening with eager ears to the sounds of 
battle raging only a few miles off, sounds which 
eloquently confirmed the news brought back to 
Colonel Inglis on the night before by his faithful 
scout Angad. The letter which that brave old 
pensioner delivered into the colonel's hands had 
been written by Outram on September 20 — "telling 
us," says Fayrer, " that a force had crossed the 
Ganges on the 19th and was advancing to our 
relief. The letter advised us not to leave the 
defences as they approached, and only to attempt 
to assist them in such a way as we could with 
safety. This news did good to all by raising our 
spirits and inspiring hope, which had at this time 
sunk very low." 

On the following day, the 24th, Havelock resolved 
to give his men a full day's rest before the crowning 
struo^o^le against immeasurable odds. The tents 
were pitched for the first time since the crossing 
of the Ganges, and the troops were thus enabled 
once more to enjoy the luxury of dry clothes. The 
only close fighting done that day arose from a 
sudden dash of hostile cavalry upon the weakly 
guarded baggage in our rear. One officer and 
several men were slain in the first surprise, before 
the rear-guard had learned to distinguish foes from 
friends. It was not long, however, before the 
assailants were driven back with heavy loss by the 
steadiness of the 90th Foot, and the timely onset of 
Olphert's guns. " Far greater annoyance," says 
Havelock 's biographer, " was experienced from two 
of the enemy's 9 -pounders placed near the Charbagh 
bridge, in a thick wood which aff'orded no mark to 
our guns but the white puff's of smoke as they rose 


above the trees. Our six heavy guns endeavoured 
to silence them from daybreak till near evening, but 
with little success." 

The two generals, Outram and Havelock, spent 
several hours of this day in discussing ways and 
means of carrying out the heroic enterprise ap- 
pointed for the morrow. Of the four routes leading 
to the Eesidency, Havelock would have preferred 
that which passed along the northern bank of the 
river Gumti, to a point which might afford an easy 
passage for his guns. But this route was declared 
impracticable, even for light field-guns, by Colonel 
Napier, who had just returned from a careful re- 
connaissance of a country water-logged by three 
days of incessant rain. It was finally resolved to 
force the Charbagh bridge, turn to the right along 
the canal, pass round the eastern side of the city, 
and make for the Farid Baksh, a palace near the 

There was nothing, indeed, but a choice of evils 
for these two veterans to consider. Had time been 
of less importance, Havelock would have stood fast 
a few days longer in the Alambagh until the drying 
of the ground enabled him to reach the Residency 
by the route of his own preferring, and even to 
escort the rescued garrison back in triumph to 
Cawnpore. But the latest messages from Colonel 
Inglis pointed to the absolute need of pressing 
forward at all hazards to the help of a garrison 
closely besieged, wasted by wounds, sickness, hard- 
ship in every form, and threatened by the imminent 
failure of its fast diminishing stock of food.^ "It 
was certain," says Malleson, "that the Charbagh 

^ Marshman's Havelock. 


bridge and every inch of ground beyond it would 
be desperately defended." But every soldier in the 
force knew that he formed part of a forlorn-hope 
on whose success alone the life of every man, 
woman, and child in the Lucknow Residency would 

It was arranged that the baggage, with the sick 
and wounded, the hospital, and the reserves of 
food and ammunition, should be left in the Alam- 
bagh, under the charge of six officers and 300 men, 
mostly footsore, commanded by Major M'Intyre of 
the 78th Highlanders. The position was further 
guarded by two 9 -pounders and two of the heavy 
guns, beside those previously captured from the 
enemy. ^ The troops were ordered to take sixty 
rounds of ball-cartridge in their pouches, while a 
reserve of the same quantity was to be conveyed 
on camels. In spite of Outram's objections. Have- 
lock, mindful of Keane's mistake at Ghazni, decided 
to take with him the rest of the heavy guns. 

Less than five miles lay between the Residency 
and the Alambagh. But many hours of the follow- 
ing day had to elapse, and many lions to be en- 
countered by the way, before that march was fairly 

^ Forrest. 




On the morning of September 25, as the troops 
were standing armed and eager for the work before 
them, Outram rode up to Havelock with the view 
of effecting certain changes in the movements 
ordered for that day. As the two were bending 
together over a map of the locality, a round-shot 
bounding over their heads seemed like the challenge 
to immediate and deadly battle. The advance was 
sounded, and Outram placed himself at the head of 
the first, or Neill's brigade, while Havelock followed 
in front of the second. 

It was not many minutes before the fight began 
in deadly earnest. In spite of a tremendous fire 
from guns in front, and from houses and walls on 
either side, Neill's war- tried Fusiliers, stoutly aided 
by the men of the 64th and 84th Foot, by Maude's 
battery, and part of the 5th Fusiliers, ere long drove 
the enemy from a succession of gardens and walled 
enclosures which blocked the approach to the 
Charbagh bridge. 

As the column neared the bridge a halt was 
sounded by Havelock's orders. The bridge itself 


was defended on the Liicknow side by a battery of 
five gims, light and heavy, nearly hidden by a 
strong breastwork, on each side of which rose lofty 
houses held by a crowd of musketeers. For many 
long minutes the troops had to find what shelter 
they could from the hail of lead and iron that beat 
upon them, while Maud's guns kept up an answer- 
ing fire upon the batteries in his front. Outram 
was struck by a bullet which pierced his arm ; " but 
he only smiled," says Colonel Maude, " and asked 
one of us to tie his handkerchief tightly above the 
wound." Several times durinsr the halt Maude 
" turned to the calm, cool, grim General, and asked 
him to allow us to advance, as we could not possibly 
do any good by halting there. He agreed with me, 
but did not like to take the responsibility of order- 
ing us to go on. At last Havelock sent the welcome 
order to advance." 

At a word from Neill the Madras Fusiliers with a 
dozen or so of the 84th, covered by the fire from 
Maude's guns, rushed on with a cheer towards the 
bridge through a storm of grape-shot, and before 
the enemy had time to reload carried the breast- 
work, bayoneting the gunners and spiking the guns. 
At the same moment Outram emerged at the head 
of the 5th Fusiliers from the walled gardens which 
he had cleared of the foe. The 78 th were left to 
hold the bridge with the adjacent houses until all 
the troops and baggage had passed. 

Meanwhile the rest of the column marched 
quietly forward along the northern bank of the 
canal, hindered only by the dead weight of the 
heavy guns, which stuck fast at any part of the 
road where the mud lay deepest. Avoiding the 


certain dangers of the direct road to the Residency, 
Havelock finally struck off from the canal into a 
road which led northwards past the Sikandrabagh 
towards the line of palaces about the Kaiser Bagh, 
or King's Garden. Here on that afternoon the 
crowning struggle of an eventful day began. A 
fire of grape and musketry, under which, as Have- 
lock said, " nothing could live," mowed down scores 
of brave men as they rushed across a narrow bridge 
that led to the shelter of some deserted buildings 
near the Chatar Manzil and the palace of Farid 

" The force," says Marshman, " was halted under 
the shelter of a wall of one of the palaces to allow 
the long column, the progress of which had been 
impeded by the narrowness of the streets, and by 
the heavy guns, to come up, and the troops 
obtained some respite." Ere long the 78th High- 
landers issued from a road along which they had 
been stubbornly fighting their way for three hours 
against fearful odds. Daylight was now waning 
fast, and 500 yards of streets and lanes still lay 
between our foremost troops and the Residency. 
The heavy guns, the dhoolies full of wounded, the 
baggage, and the rear-guard were still some way 
behind, with the enemy all around them. A few- 
hours' halt at the Chatar Manzil would enable the 
rest of the troops with the wounded to close up ; 
and meanwhile messages might somehow be ex- 
changed with the beleaguered garrison. Outram, as 
cool-headed as he was chivalrous, urged upon Have- 
lock the only course which prudence could have 
justified. " I proposed a halt," he wrote to Sir Colin 
Campbell, "of only a few hours' duration, in order 


to enable the rear-guard, with which were all our 
heavy guns, the baggage, and the dhoolies contain- 
ing our wounded, to come up, by which time the 
whole force would have occupied the Chatar Manzil 
in security, w^hich we were then holding, and from 
which we could have effected our way to the Resi- 
dency by opening communication through the inter- 
vening palaces ; in a less brilliant manner, it is true, 
but with comparatively little loss ; at the same time 
offering to show the way through the street, if he 
preferred it." 

Havelock, however, viewing the question from its 
sentimental side, would hear of nothing but an 
immediate advance ; and Outram, vexed at heart 
but mindful of a soldier's duty, rode forward in the 
deepening twilight to show his countrymen the way 
across what to him was familiar ground. 

The final advance was led by Stisted's High- 
landers and Brasyer's Sikhs, who now formed the 
head of the column. " This column," in Havelock's 
own words, " rushed on with a desperate gallantry, 
led by Sir James Outram and myself and Lieuten- 
ants Hudson and Hargood of my staff, through 
streets of flat-roofed loopholed houses, from which 
a perpetual fire was kept up." 

Meanwhile the spirits of the beleaguered garrison 
had been rising higher and higher as the sounds 
of that day's fighting drew hourly nearer. "At 
4 P.M.," says Sir J. Fayrer, "it was reported that 
Europeans could be seen near Mr Martin's house 
and about the Moti Mahal, and a continuous heavy 
musketry-fire, coming nearer and nearer, was heard. 
We could not see our friends, hidden as they were 
amongst the streets, but we could see that the 


enemy were firing upon them from the roofs of the 
houses, and from places of vantage. Very soon the 
Europeans could be seen fighting their way through 
one of the principal streets, men falling rapidly, 
when, as Wilson says, ' once fairly seen, all our 
doubts and fears regarding them were ended, and 
then the garrison's long-pent-up feelings of anxiety 
and suspense burst forth in a succession of deafen- 
ing cheers from every pit, trench, and battery ; 
from, behind the sandbags piled on shattered houses, 
from every post still held by a few gallant spirits, 
rose cheer on cheer. Even from the hospital many 
of the wounded crawled forth to join in the glad 
shout of welcome of those who had so bravely come 
to our assistance. It was a moment never to be 
forgotten.' " ^ 

With an exultant hurrah the Highlanders and 
Sikhs, headed by Outram and Havelock, rushed 
through the evening shades into a whirl of out- 
stretched hands and joy-flashing eyes, and voices 
feebly re-echoing the shouts that each fresh band of 
victors sent up to heaven in their turn. Strange 
hands wrung each other in familiar greeting ; 
strange voices thrilled together with a rush of 
sympathy seldom shown even between the oldest 
and dearest friends. The ladies with their children 
crowded to the porch of Dr Fayrer's house to see 
Outram and Havelock enter in, and to welcome the 
rough -bearded warriors who pressed forward to 
shake the hands of their rescued countrywomen, 
and to catch up the children one after another in 
their arms. 

1 Fayrer's Recollections. The Defence of Lucknow. By a Staff 
Officer. Smith, Elder, & Co. 


Among the new-comers who thronged the Resi- 
dency, one man of superlative mark was missing, 
Brigadier-General Neill had fallen from his horse, 
shot dead by a Sepo}'' marksman as he was leading 
his " Blue-caps," the Madras Fusiliers, towards the 
Residency by another road than that which Outram 
and Havelock had followed. Of him Kaye has well 
said, " Like the two Lawrences, like Outram and 
like Nicholson, he had wonderful self-reliance ; and 
there was no responsibility so great as to make him 
shrink from taking upon himself the burden of it." ^ 
But for the crisis which brought him and his 
regiment round to Calcutta, the deeds of Colonel 
James Neill might never have filled a page in the 
annals of Indian history. Nor would his name 
have fiofured amono^ the heroes to whom more than 
one speaker paid eloquent tribute at the great 
meetiner held that winter in Calcutta. " He was an 


honour to the country, and the idol of the British 
army," said a soldier of the 78th Highlanders in a 
letter to his brother on September 20. 

That evening Dr Fayrer found his house filled 
with " ofticers and soldiers all showing the results of 
hard fio-hting. Dear old Outram, with him Colonel 
R. Napier as chief of his staff, Sitwell and Chamier, 
his A.D.C.'s, and W. Money, C.S., his private secre- 
tary, all entered by the Bailey-guard into my house. 
We felt as if it were all over now, though we knew, 
too, that this could not be the case, and very shortly 
realised that by finding ourselves as closely besieged 
as before. 

" Outram and Napier both came in wounded : 
Outram had been shot through the arm and Napier 

* Kaye's Lives of Indian Officers. 


through the leg. I dressed their wounds and made 
them as comfortable as possible. We had very little 
to offer them, but we did all we could. The enemy 
were still keeping up a heavy fire upon us, as if in 
defiance. We were reinforced, but not relieved in 
the sense that we had hoped to be." 

During that night several hundred of Havelock's 
men still lay outside the Residency, between the 
Bailey-guard and the adjacent buildings. It was 
not until the next mornino- that the bulk of these 
troops made their way into the garrison lines. Not 
until the night of the 26th did the rear-guard, which 
had fought its way to the Moti Mahal palace, join 
hands with a strong column which Colonel Napier 
had led out in quest of the missing troops and 

Thus, after a close siege of eighty -seven days, 
had the Lucknow garrison been saved from untold 
disaster by the sturdy courage of the men who 
stormed the defences of the canal, and fought their 
conquering way through every barrier that frowned 
between them and the Bailey-guard. In the success 
so far achieved good generalship had borne but little 
part. "It is difficult," says Colonel Maude, "to 
resist the conclusion that the afi'air was a muddle, 
however gloriously conducted, from beginning to 

" The officers led their men right well ; but of 
generalship, jy^'^oprement dit, that day there was 
little if any at all." Outram of course " had his 
wits about him, and was cool and collected enough ; 
but having voluntarily subordinated his rank, he 
could not take any independent steps without 
involving a grave breach of discipline, while the 


general who was nominally in command took no 
initiative action whatever." ^ 

Out of the 2000 who marched out from the Alam- 
bagh on September 25, no fewer than 31 officers and 
504 men had been killed or wounded during the 
movements of that and the following day. The 
number of slain alone amounted to 196, of whom 77 
Tvere wounded soldiers who were either burned to 
death in their dhoolies or cut up by a merciless foe. 

Among the first to grasp Outram's hand on the 
evening of the 25th was his brother-in-law, Lieu- 
tenant J. C. Anderson, wdio had lately succeeded 
the brave and resourceful Fulton as chief engineer 
in charge of the Eesidency. The war-worn general, 
with one arm in a sling and his head bare, — he had 
lost his forage-cap during the final advance, — re- 
turned all such greetings with a cordial word or 
smile as he passed on to take up his quarters in the 
long room of Fayrer's house, where Outram and 
Napier, lying side by side on two charpoys, talked 
to each other and gave their instructions, w^hile their 
kind host busied himself in dressing their wounds 
and seeing to their comfort. 

Next morning Dr Fayrer met Sir James "wander- 
ing about with his coat in his hand, when he said, 
* Do you think Mrs Fayrer or one of the ladies could 
mend this for me ? ' He referred to the two bullet- 
holes. My wife mended it, and I provided him with 
a uniform cap with a gold-banded peak which just 
fitted him, so he was set up again in this respect." 

On this day, September 26, Outram resumed the 
chief command of the troops in Oudh. His first 
step was to order the clearing out of the "Captain 

^ Memories of the Mutiny. 


Bazaar," which lay disagreeably close to one part of 
the garrison's outworks. That task was thoroughly 
accomplished by Colonel Inglis and the 32nd Foot, 
after a struggle which issued in the capture of five 
guns, and the loss on our side of three killed, 
including one officer and seven wounded. 

On the following day, the 27th, " the palaces 
extending along, on the line of the river, from the 
Residency to near the Kaiser Bagh, were occupied 
for the accommodation of our troops. On the same 
day, at noon, a party consisting of 150 men made 
a sortie on another of the enemy's positions and 
destroyed four guns, at a loss of eight killed and 
wounded. At daylight on the 28th three columns, 
aggregating 700 men, attacked the enemy's works 
at three different points, destroyed ten guns, and 
demolished by powder explosions the houses which 
afforded position to the enemy for musketry- fire. 
This successful operation was attended by the 
serious loss of one officer and fifteen men killed and 
missing, one officer and thirty-one men wounded, 
the officer killed being Major Simmons, commanding 
her Majesty's 5th Fusiliers, most deeply regretted by 
the whole army." ^ 

At the time when Outram wrote the lines just 
quoted he had come to the conclusion that only one 
course remained open to him. Recognising the 
hopelessness of any attempt to carry ofl" the rescued 
garrison from Lucknow, he resolved to stand fast 
within the Residency until further help should come, 
to secure all possible supplies of provisions for his 
force, " and to maintain ourselves, even on reduced 
rations, until reinforcements advance to our relief." 

^ Outram's despatch of September 30. 


During that last week in September many visitors 
came to inquire after Outrani and his wounded arm. 
" Oh, damn the arm ! " was the answer which Fayrer 
heard him give to one of these well - meaning 
questioners. He had been provoked beyond his 
wont by tlie ill-timed reference to such a trifle at 
a moment when affairs of the gravest public import 
were engrossins all his attentions. " We had 
nothing to give them [Outram and Napier] but 
commissariat rations," remarks Sir Joseph, "nor 
would they hear of anything being sent to them 
from elsewhere. Something was sent to him one 
day beyond the ordinary ration ; he was very angry, 
and refused to have it. Dear old fellow ! He was 
indeed chevalier sans peur et sans ^^ejyroche." 

From September 25 down to the arrival of Sir C. 
Campbell's relieving force in November, Outram, 
says Captain Robertson, " was untiring in his exer- 
tions to do everything in his power for us. He 
daily visited the sick and wounded, speaking words 
of kindness when he could do nothing better. His 
genial face and kind-hearted words did more for me 
than all the skill of my doctors." ^ 

It had lately been Outram's secret ambition to 
obtain the Victoria Cross which the Queen had 
instituted as a reward for signal deeds of valour at 
the close of the Crimean war in 1856. The Vol- 
unteer Cavalry unanimously recorded their votes 
for Sir James Outram on account of his gallantry 
at Mangalwar. " Nothing," says Sir J. Fayrer, 
" would have pleased him more than to have it 
[the V.C], but some wretched red-tapism prevented 
him from getting it because he was so high in 

1 Outram MSS. 


command. I don't know what lie thought about it, 
but I know what we all thought of it ! " On learn- 
ing what had happened, Outram requested the 
volunteers to cancel their election and choose some 
one else in his place. He would never have allowed 
them, he explained, to take such a step had he been 
aware of their intention, for he was of course inelig- 
ible as being the general under whom they served. 

It was not merely personal ambition which in- 
spired Outram's apparent rashness on the road to 
Lucknow. "I conceive," he wrote in 1859, "that 
as a soldier I was simply in the position of a mere 
volunteer during the period I abdicated the com- 
mand to General Havelock. I am not so satisfied, 
however, that I can justly contend against the 
impression, which I regret to find is entertained by 
the Governor-General, that I too readily ignored the 
responsibilities of the high civil position in which he 
had placed me, even whilst its duties were in abey- 
ance from the impossibility of conducting them, 
while yet we possessed no footing in Oudh. In 
that view his Excellency's arguments against the 
course I pursued on this occasion are too cogent, 
though so kindly and courteously expressed, to allow 
me to blind myself to the fact that I was not 
justified in so entirely losing sight, as I cannot but 
feel conscious that I did, of my position of Chief 
Commissioner of Oudh. But I beg to be allowed to 
urge as somewhat extenuating my apparent selfish- 
ness in seeking personal distinction in the field, 
while yet my civil functions were literally nil, that 
until Lucknow fell to our arms or returned to 
allegiance on relief of the garrison, there could be 
no possibility of a chief commissioner being required ; 


aud to effect the great object which we then had in 
view, every man of the force, military or civil, was 
required to do the duty of a soldier." 

" But I hope," he goes on, " I was actuated by 
better motives than the mere seeking of personal 
distinction. I felt that it was more incumbent on 
myself than on any man in the force to show the 
soldiers that I did not shrink from any dangers to 
which they themselves were exposed, in a struggle 
which they all knew / had drawn them into. Our 
success depended on all being nerved by the same 
spirit ; and the holding back of so prominent an 
individual as their late general, on the plea of his 
position as Chief Commissioner, would not have 
promoted such a spirit. It was an object certainly 
to inspire our small body of cavalry, in their first 
contest, with the enthusiasm required to carry them 
through what we knew they would have to encounter 
ere we reached Lucknow. 

" But my interference was little needed to that 
end with men under Captain Barrow's command, and 
would not have been exerted, perhaps, had I had 
previous opportunities of testing that officer's quali- 
fications for command. The cavalry afi'air, however, 
was mere pastime to what was before us when im- 
perative duty demanded my exposure ; for I state 
but the truth, to which the whole army will testify, 
declaring it in self-defence against the imputation 
of needlessly exposing myself, that had I gone to 
the rear when wounded on the morning of Septem- 
ber 25, the column would not have penetrated into 
the city, nor without my guidance could it have 
reached the Residency." 

I think that no impartial reader will hesitate to 


indorse Sir John Kaye's conclusion, " that to have 
done otherwise than he did would have been very 
much unlike all that we know of the character of 
James Outram. It was not in him when danger 
threatened to refrain from going to the front. 
That he was ambitious is not to be denied ; but his 
ambition had but little of the common element of 
selfishness. He would never consent to rise at the 
expense of others, nor would he benefit himself to 
the injury of the State." ^ 

As the enemy still continued from a battery 
across the river to annoy the defenders of the 
Redan, Colonel Maude contrived by a well-aimed 
shot, delivered at the right moment, to disable 
their heaviest gun. The good news soon found its 
way to Outram, who came down with one or two 
of his staff" to see for himself the result of Maude's 
skill. " The Bayard of India said with his genial 
smile, ' I have heard of your feat of arms, Maude, 
and I now give you the highest reward it is in my 
power to bestow ! ' at the same time handing me a 
Manilla cheroot. A most seasonable gift it was, 
and I heartily and laughingly thanked the good 
General for it." ^ 

The safety of the little garrison at the Alambagh 
gave Outram food for grave anxiety in the first 
days of his renewed command. On the 28th he 
advised Major M'Intyre to do the best he could 
for the defence of his position. " Should you be 
assailed," he wrote, " you will be able to hold your 
own. The only damage they can do you is by 
firing long shots into the garden, but I trust the 
four guns left with you will soon silence such fire." 

' Cornhill Magazine, May 1863. ^ Memories of the Mutiny. 



The failure of liis cavalry on September 30 to 
force a passage through the enemy's lines, decided 
him to work his way through the buildings along the 
Cawnpore road. For this end it was necessary to 
clear away the powerful battery which still annoyed 
our troops from the garden of Phillips's house, flank- 
ing the road aforesaid. " This was effected," wrote 
Outram, " on October 2, with the comparatively 
trifling loss of two killed and eleven wounded ; a 
result which was due to the careful and scientific 
dispositions of Colonel Napier, under whose personal 
guidance the operation was conducted. Three guns 
were taken and burst — their carriages destroyed ; 
and a large house in the garden, which had been 
the enemy's stronghold, was blown up." 

The next few days were spent by our troops in 
working from house to house with crowbar and 
pickaxe, until a large mosque strongly held by 
the enemy eff'ectually blocked their advance. The 
assailants therefore, on October 6, fell back upon 
Phillips's house after blowing up the principal houses 
between the mosque and their new position, which 
thenceforth became " a permanent outpost, afl"ording 
comfortable accommodation to her Majesty's 78th 
Highlanders, and protecting a considerable portion 
of the intrenchment from molestation, besides con- 
necting it with the palaces occupied by General 
Havelock." ^ 

It was not long before Outram's fears for the 
safety of M'Intyre's garrison were dispelled by the 
timely arrival at the Alambagh of successive con- 
voys from Cawnpore. Meanwhile his mind had 
been relieved from a still heavier burden by the 
results of a scrutiny which Napier had conducted at 

^ Outram's despatch of November 25. 


his desire into the stock of food remaininof within 


the Residency precincts. To his surprise Napier 
discovered that the stock of supplies laid in by the 
forethought of Sir Henry Lawrence would suffice to 
feed the enlarged garrison for yet another two 

A discovery so unexpected brought about a 
radical change in Outram's plans. Thenceforth no 
more sorties were allowed ; and Outram resolved 
to make the best he could of his improved position 
pending the arrival of reinforcements from below. 

"From this time," says General Innes, "warfare 
became one of mines, but on quite a different footing 
from that of the first siesje. Then the strup^de had 
been for life or death — a single sudden success on the 
enemy's part might have meant the irruption of the 
besiegers and the extinction of the garrison ; but 
now there was no such risk — it was a case of pure 
underground contest, with no specially important 
result hanging on the issue. But throughout it, ex- 
cept at the start, the enemy always failed, and the 
victory lay with the garrison. The locale of this 
contest was confined entirely to the new position." 

On the 21st both Outram and Napier were 
described by Fayrer as doing well. "Outram is 
constantly about ; he is utterly indifferent to fire ; 
I have been about with him in many places where 
it was hot, but he takes not the slightest notice 
of it." 

The enemy, whose numbers had lately been in- 
creased by thousands of Sepoys from Delhi and else- 
where, still maintained a steady but wellnigh harm- 
less fire upon Outram's garrison. In the city itself 
a boy king had been set up by the rebel soldiery, 

^ The Sepoy Revolt. By General M'Leod Innes, V.C. 


and in his name alone would the wily Rajah 
Man Singh deign to treat with Lord Canning's 
Chief Commissioner. On October 27 Man Singh's 
wakil, or envoy, had a long conference with Out- 
ram's private secretary, Mr W. J. Money, which 
led to no satisfactory result. The great Hindu 
chieftain's offer to escort the women, children, and 
invalids to Cawnpore appeared to Outram more like 
an insult or a bravado than a mark of genuine 

The receipt of news from home was of course a 
rare event in the life of Outram's garrison. One 
day in October a messenger from the Alambagh 
brought them a ' Home News ' of August 25. 
" Great interest expressed in it about us all. 
Troops are coming out overland to our assistance, 
and the prospects seem more cheering." -^ 

On the 27th a letter was received from Cawnpore 
telling of the arrival there of Hope Grant's Delhi 
column, and of its successful fights with the rebels 
near Mainpuri and Cawnpore. Amidst his multi- 
farious duties Outram kept up a brisk correspond- 
ence with the authorities, civil and military, beyond 
the Ganges. His messengers carried no private 
letters from any one in the garrison to friends 
outside. " Tell her I cannot write to her," were 
Outram's own words concerning Lady Outram in 
the postscript of a letter addressed to Captain Bruce 
at Cawnpore ; "as our expensive cossids can only 
carry a quill, private communications have been 
forbidden to others, and I cannot, in honour, take 
advantage to write privately myself."^ By way 
of precaution all letters sent from the Residency 

1 Sir J. Fayrer'3 Recollections. ' Goldsmid. 


were written in Greek characters. "You ask me 
to write in the English character," was Outram's 
answer to one of his officers, " so would the enemy 
wish me to do. As the only security against their 
understanding what we write in case our letters fall 
into their hands, the Greek character must be used." 

On learning that an army of Gwalior mutineers 
had reached Kalpi on the Jumna, whence they 
would certainly march across the Doab to Cawnpore, 
Outram wrote to Captain Bruce on October 28 
urgently recommending the defeat and dispersion 
of the " Gwalior rebels " before any attempt was 
made to relieve himself. " We can manage to 
screw on," he added, " till near the end of November 
on further reduced rations. Only the longer we 
remain the less physical strength we shall have to 
aid our friends when they do advance, and the 
fewer guns shall we be able to move out in co- 
operation. But it is so obviously to the advantage 
of the State that the Gwalior rebels should be first 
effectually destroyed, that our relief should be a 
secondary consideration." 

On November 3 a semaphore was set up on the 
top of the Eesidency, whence signals could be ex- 
changed with the Alambagh. On the same day 
Sir Colin Campbell arrived at Cawnpore. Disre- 
garding, wisely or unwisely, Outram's counsel touch- 
ing the Gwalior rebels, he decided to push on with 
the least possible delay towards Lucknow. On the 
evening of November 9, after a forced march of 
thirty-five miles, he joined hands with Hope Grant's 
column at Bantera, about five miles from the Alam- 
bagh. At Bantera on the following morning a 
strange-looking creature appeared before the tent 


of the Commander-in-Chief. The grim old warrior 
came out to ask the new-comer's name and business. 
Pulling off his turban, the stranger drew from one 
of its folds a short note of introduction from Sir 
James Outram. 

The bearer of the note was Mr Thomas Kavanagh, 
a clerk in the Company's service at Lucknow, who 
had persuaded the Chief Commissioner to send him 
forth disguised as a native, in company with a 
trusty native spy, upon an errand which Outram 
dared not ask one of his own officers to undertake. 
After a night of perilous wandering through streets 
full of armed men, and through a country bristling 
with rebel pickets, Kavanagh had fallen in with a 
British outpost, whence he was duly conducted to 
Campbell's headquarters. Besides a number of 
verbal messages from the Chief Commissioner, 
Kavanagh had brought with him a plan of the 
city, a code of signals, and a letter in which Outram 
pointed out what seemed to him the easiest road 
for the relieving column.^ Kavanagh himself re- 
mained at headquarters for the purpose of acting 
as guide to the advancing force. 

In the evening of November 12 Campbell's force, 
amounting only to 5000 of all arms, encamped at 
the Alambagh after a sharp skirmish, in which 
Hugh Cough's squadron of Hodson's Horse made a 
brilliant charge, resulting in the capture of two 
guns.^ On the 14th, Sir Colin fought his way across 
country from the Alambagh to the Dilkusha Park 
and the Martiniere, where the troops were halted 
for the following day. 

^ Goldsmid ; Forrest. 

^ Sir C. Campbell's despatch. Sir H. Gough's Old Memories. 


Thus far Campbell had followed Outram's direc- 
tions, but a reconnaissance made on the 15th de- 
cided him to take a wider circuit across the canal. 
" On the morning of the 16th," says Sir J. Fayrer, 
" the relief force moved early, and we heard the fire 
of their heavy guns distinctly. From the roof of the 
house we could see a good deal, and it was curious 
to feel that it was for us they were fighting ! I 
could see distinctly in the distance cavalry, infantry, 
and artillery. We saw some of our mines explode 
at the Chatar Manzil, and several shells burst in the 
air. Rockets were being freely used, and some 
buildings were seen in flames. By the evening the 
relief force had got up to the Moti Mahal, so that 
they were now very near us. Some of our people 
made a sortie and stormed one of the enemy's 

Meanwhile the advancing force had to carry by 
storm the walled defences of the Sikandrabagh and 
the Shah Najif before that day's work came to a 
successful close. That evening 1800 rebels lay dead 
within the precincts of the Sikandrabagh alone. 

On the 17th fighting was renewed at the Mess- 
House, where Peel's blue-jackets battered a way 
in with their heavy guns for Campbell's infantry. 
Before evening the victors had carried the wide 
enclosure of the Moti Mahal. Between this point 
and Outram's advanced post there intervened a 
quarter of a mile commanded by a line of sharp- 
shooters and the guns from the Badshah Bagh. Along 
this perilous space Outram and Havelock, with their 
respective staff's, went forward on foot to welcome 
the Commander-in-Chief. " Passing unhurt," says 
Marshman, "through the first fire from the Kaiser 


Bagh, they reached the Moti Mahal in safety." As 
the party hastened through the passages and courts 
of the Moti Mahal a shell burst among them, which 
laid Havelock for a moment prostrate, but otherwise 
unharmed. Only twenty-five yards now divided 
them from Campbell's headquarters at the Mess- 

Under a storm of fire from the Kaiser Bagh they 
sped in single file across that deadly passage. 
Outram and Havelock made their way unscathed 
towards the spot where Campbell awaited them ; 
but the rest of the party, including Napier himself, 
were struck by the passing bullets. The meeting 
between the three veterans was, in Sir Hope Grant's 
words, " a happy meeting, and a cordial shaking of 
hands took place." Havelock's wan face lighted up 
a little on learning from his brave old chief that 
he had been gazetted K.C.B. The relief of the 
besieged garrison had now been accomplished. It 
only remained, as Sir Colin himself informed the 
two commanders, to carry out his original plan of 
withdrawing the whole of the garrison to Cawnpore 
before taking steps to deal with the Gwalior 




On the following day, November 18, Outram and 
Havelock waited upon the Commander-in-Chief to 
express their views upon the course they deemed it 
best to pursue. They urged Sir Colin to drive the 
rebels out of the Kaiser Bagh, and then to continue 
holding the city with an adequate portion of the 
troops at his command. Sir Colin, however, in- 
sisted that " a strong movable division outside the 
town, with field and heavy artillery, in a good 
military position, was the real manner of holding 
the city of Lucknow in check." His ammunition 
also was running short ; he deemed himself weak in 
infantry ; and, strongest reason of all, the Gwalior 
insurgents might at any moment attack Cawnpore. 
For the present he would content himself with 
carrying ofi" the Lucknow garrison, and holding the 
city in check by means of a strong force intrenched 
at the Alambagh.^ 

The arrangements which Outram made by Camp- 
bell's orders for the safe withdrawal of many 
hundred men, women, and children from the ruined 
Eesidency to the ground prepared for them in the 

^ Marshman. 


Dilkusha Park were not completed until the lOtli. 
" I have enough to do just now," he writes to Lady 
Outram on the 18th, "in arranging the difficult and 
delicate operation of the withdrawal of our troops 
with the vast number of women, sick and wounded 
(about 1500 souls). . . . My w^ound is entirely 
healed, and was nothing to signify, not having laid 
me up for a single day."^ 

About 3 P.M. of the 19tli, some hours after the 
last of the sick and wounded had been safely borne 
away, the general exodus of the women, children, 
and non-combatants began. Many of them had to 
trudge on foot through five miles of heavy sand, 
while others were drawn slowly along by horses, too 
weak almost to carry themselves. More than once 
they had to run for their lives from a shower of 
grape or bullets ; at other times a block in the 
narrow road kept them waiting for long minutes in 
sharp suspense. By the end of the first hour they 
reached the Sikandrabagh, where they received a 
kindly welcome from the Commander-in-Chief. A 
few hours' halt in that noisome neighbourhood 
enabled them to pursue the rest of their way in 
dhoolies provided by the old chief himself. The 
long procession took some hours more to reach the 
Dilkushji. After all their past sufferings, in spite of 
their buried dear ones, and of the household goods 
they had been forced to leave behind them, their 
first night's quiet sleep in the tents prepared for 
them at their new resting-place, was an event to 
remember with special thankfulness in after years.^ 

^ Goldsmid. 

- The Polehampton Memoirs ; Lady Inglia's Diary ; Forrest ; 
Sir .J. Fayrer. 


Only one woman and two or three attendants 
were hurt on the way by hostile shot. Meanwhile 
the troops in garrison, under Outram's masterly 
management, were busied in preparing for their 
own departure. Of the guns they had served so 
well, some were burst on the spot, others were 
removed to the camp outside the city. The 
ordnance stores, the treasure, the remaining sup- 
plies of grain, the State prisoners, were all carried 
quietly away while the enemy's attention was drawn 
off by a steady cannonade of the Kaiser Bagh and 
other strong posts in the city,^ 

At length, on the night of the 22nd, silently, and 
in perfect order, the last body of Outram's soldiers 
— the 78th Highlanders and Maude's battery having 
the post of honour in the rear — stepped forth from 
the lights and fires of the battered Residency into 
the darkness of the long winding lane that still lay 
between them and comparative safety. The High- 
landers were enjoined by Outram to avoid keeping- 
step, lest the regular tramp should be heard by the 
enemy." As Mr Money passed out of the Bailey- 
guard gate he saw his noble chief holding back. 
" The thouo;ht struck me at once that he wished to 
be the last man to quit the garrison — but it was not 
to be. Brigadier Tnglis had observed the move, and 
at once said, ' You will allow me, Sir James, to be 
the last, and to shut the gates of my old garrison.' 
Outram at once yielded, and Inglis closed the 

From the Sikandrabagh Campbell himself, riding 
with Adrian Hope's brigade, covered the retreat 
which Outram had so skilfully planned. Not a hitch 

^ C. Campbell's despatch of November 25. ^ Goldsmid. 


occurred throughout the movement, whose success 
depended on the intelligence and the discipline of 
all concerned. Not a man was lost in that night 
march through the midst of 40,000 or 50,000 armed 
foes. One officer, indeed, who had somehow been 
overlooked, awoke to find himself alone in the 
abandoned intrenchment. Horror - stricken, and 
hardly knowing which way to turn, he sped on 
from one deserted post to another as fast as fear 
could carry him, until, breathless and wellnigh 
crazed, he came up with a part of the British rear- 
guard. By four in the morning of the 23rd the last 
of our soldiers had reached the Dilkusha. Some 
hours later the enemy were still blazing away at our 
abandoned posts, and repairing the breaches which 
our guns the day before had made in the Kaiser 

On one conspicuous leader in the fighting of the 
past six months death was already closing fast. 
Worn out with toil, anxiety, exposure, and hard fare, 
Sir Henry Havelock had fallen ill on November 20. 
Two days later he knew himself to be dying, and on 
the 24th he breathed his last, calmly and content- 
edly, in the camp at the Dilkusha. Outram could 
not restrain his tears when he visited his dying 
comrade on the evening of the 23rd. Writing 
afterwards to Havelock's biographer, he speaks of 
his tenderness as " that of a brother. He told me 
he was dying, and spoke from the fulness of his 
honest heart of the feelings which he bore towards 
me, and of the satisfaction with which he looked 
back to our past intercourse and service together, 
which had never been on a single occasion marred 
by a disagreement of any kind, nor embittered by 


an angry word. . . . How truly I mourned his loss 
is known to God and my own heart." 

On the morning of the 26th his remains were 
interred in the Alambagh with all the honours that 
a crowd of mourning comrades, headed by Camp- 
bell himself, could bestow. " I myself," says 
Outram, " was denied the melancholy satisfaction 
of attending his honoured remains to the grave, 
by being left at Dilkushji to bring up the rear 

By way of precaution Outram afterwards caused 
the grave to be smoothed over. "At the same 
time," says his biographer, " he directed such minute 
measurements to be taken as to lead to the recogni- 
tion, when required, of the precise site." According 
to Mr Forrest, the mango-tree which marks the spot 
" still spreads its branches over his tomb, and the 
cross carved on it by the hand of Outram was a few 
years ago still discernible." 

During the 24th the long train of women and 
children, together with the sick and wounded of the 
whole force, were escorted by Hope Grant's division 
to their temporary halting-place at the Alambagh. 
"The difficulties and obstacles upon the road," says 
Sir J. Fayrer, "were indescribable, but every one 
was very kind to the sick and wounded, the ladies 
and children." Outram's division remained behind 
until the following day, " to prevent molestation," 
wrote Sir Colin Campbell, "of the immense convoy 
of the women and wounded, which it was necessary 
to transport with us." 

To each and all concerned in the work thus far 
accomplished Sir Colin Campbell's despatch dealt 
out a liberal measure of just praise. Outram's able 


strategy, Hope Grant's untiring diligence, Peel's 
happy daring, the splendid rivalry of the Royal and 
Bengal Artillery, the steady zeal of the officers of the 
9th Lancers and the Irregular Horse, who "were 
never out of the saddle during all this time," received 
from Sir Colin's pen no heartier tribute than did the 
fiery courage of the troops that stormed the Sikan- 
drabagh, the soldier -like watchfulness of Brigadier 
Russell's column, and the matchless heroism of the 
whole force, which for seven days had formed " one 
outlying picket, never out of fire, and covering an 
immense extent of ground." 

Admirable also had been the defence of the en- 
larged position, as maintained by Outram for nearly 
two months between the first and the second relief 
of Lucknow. The manner in which a strago-liniy, 
weakly guarded line of gardens, courts, and dwelling- 
houses, mixed up with the buildings of a hostile city, 
had been held against " a close and constant fire 
from loopholed walls and window^s," and a fitful 
storm of grape and round-shot from guns, mostly 
within point-blank range, was a marvel of sturdy 
soldiership and engineering skill. Against twenty 
of the enemy's mines twenty -one shafts had been 
dug by Napier's engineers. Of the former, five only 
had been burst by the rebels, two of them quite 
harmlessly ; while seven had been blown in by our 
men, and the enemy had been driven out of seven 

As for the old garrison who had fought and 
suff'ered under Colonel Inglis, all England rang 
with stories of their prowess, and with heartfelt 
paeans over their success. All Europe hailed with 
half-envious admiration the victorious issue of a 


defence which Lord Canning might well place 
among the most heroic recorded in history — a de- 
fence which Campbell himself called magnificent, 
and which, to Outram's thinking, demanded the use 
of terms " far more laudatory," if such were pos- 
sible, than those once applied to the "illustrious 
garrison " of Jalalabad. 

On the 27th Sir Colin Campbell began his return 
march to Cawnpore at the head of 3000 men, 
amongst whom, says Mr G. W. Forrest, "were the 
remnant of the gallant 32nd who had so stoutly 
defended the Residency, the Sepoys whose fidelity 
and courage can never be too highly appraised, and 
the few native pensioners who had loyally responded 
to the call of Sir Henry Lawrence to come to our 
aid in the darkest hour." To them was intrusted 
the safeguarding of the rescued women and children, 
and some 1500 sick and wounded, together with 
the treasure, surplus stores, and the engineer and 
artillery parks. The march of a convoy extending 
over ten miles of road was inevitably slow, and not 
until the evening of November 30 had the whole 
of its precious burden been safely sheltered within 
Windham's intrenched position at Cawnpore. 

" That fine noble fellow," as Sir Hoj^e Grant calls 
Sir James Outram, was left behind with 3500 men 
to hold the position around the Alambagh until the 
Commander-in-Chief should return in the followinof 
year to expel the rebels from Lucknow. The posi- 
tion which Outram had to hold with this small 
force against any number of the enemy covered a 
circuit of about ten miles, extending across . the 
Cawnpore road south-eastward to the old, half- 
ruined fort of Jalalabad. " Where this position," 


writes Colonel Malleson, "was not naturally cov- 
ered by swamps lie placed batteries, dug trenches, 
and planted abattis to protect it. 

The troops under his command consisted of " the 
remnants of Havelock's noble force ; the regiments 
Outran! had brought up with him from Allahabad ; 
and what the siege of Delhi had left of the gallant 
75th. Weak in numbers were these battalions, but 
every man of them was a veteran to be relied upon. 
One, the 78th, had learned to love James Outram — 
no other word would express the truth — in Persia. 
The Military Train, as worthy comrades of the Vol- 
unteer Cavalry, and some good Madras troops, 
must not be forgotten in making up the total. Sir 
James had lost Colonel Napier, called away on other 
duty, but Colonel Berkeley proved an excellent chief 
of the staff. Colonels Hamilton and Stisted well 
led his two infantry brigades ; while Vincent Eyre 
handled the cavalry and artillery to perfection, 
seconded by one whose dash had become proverbial 
even among Horse Artillerymen — Major William 
Olpherts." ^ Outram's numbers were made up to 
4000 by a strong picket retained at Banni to 
guard the bridge over the Sai. 

For the next few weeks Outram employed him- 
self in strengthening his position, in keeping a 
careful watch upon the enemy's movements, and 
in making fruitless efforts to obtain supplies from 
the neighbouring villages. So strict and general 
was the blockade enforced by the rebel leaders that 
Outram was driven to depend upon Cawnpore for 
supplies escorted by troops whom he could ill spare 
from the defence of his own position. 

1 Goldsmid. 


The instructions forwarded by Campbell's chief 
of the staflf, shortly after the rout of the Gwalior 
contingent, evoked from Outram so powerful a pro- 
test against unreasonable demands upon his military 
strenfifth that he was allowed henceforth a free 
hand in matters bearing on the safety of his 

Amidst all his difficulties he managed to keep 
himself thoroughly informed of the enemy's move- 
ments and designs. Few commanders, indeed, have 
ever equalled him in the excellence of his scouting 
arrangements. A great deal of his success in war 
has been ascribed by a competent critic to "his 
determination to obtain the best information of the 
enemy's strength and plans before acting. He was 
cautious in this, but when once on the field, he was 
all dash. At the Alambagh his Intelligence De- 
partment was amazingly good. Again and again 
were his spies sent back before he would move from 

During the three months that he held his isolated 
position " he never harassed the soldiers," says 
Major Robertson, "by calling them out a moment 
before wanted to repel the repeated attacks of the 
rebels ; and he dismissed them as soon as he could 
dispense with their services, generally ordering a 
dram or half a dram of rum to be issued if he 
had it to give. The result of this was, that when 
an alarm was given the men were on the ground 
at once." 

Day after day in December the enemy had been 
employed in throwing up batteries, and in making 
hostile demonstrations along his lines. At last, on 
the 22nd, an attempt was made to sever Outram's 



communications with Banni. But the British gen- 
eral happened to be wide awake. At five of that 
morning he moved out with nearly half his force 
" in the hope of surprising the enemy, and inter- 
cepting their retreat to the city." Their main body 
retreated betimes out of Outram's reach ; but the 
attack upon their rear was made so suddenly and 
followed up with so fierce a courage, that, in spite 
of their overwhelming numbers, they fled like 
frightened sheep, with " the loss of four Horse 
Artillery guns, much ammunition, besides elephants 
and baggage, and some fifty or sixty men slain." 
According to Outram's report on this afiair, there 
was " hardly a casualty on our side." 

About a fortnight later Outram despatched a 
convoy of empty waggons to Cawnpore, guarded by 
530 men with four guns. The strength of the 
escort on this occasion was due to the tidings which 
Outram's spies had brought him, of fresh move- 
ments planned by the rebel leaders against his rear. 
On hearing of an arrangement which seemed for the 
time to cripple the force about the Alambagh, the 
enemy determined, in Malleson's words, "to make 
a supreme effort to destroy Outram. Accordingly 
on January 12 they issued from Lucknow to the 
number of 30,000. They massed this body oppo- 
site to the extreme left of Outram's position, then 
gradually extended it so as to face his front and 
left. To the front attack Outram opposed two 
brigades, the one consisting of 733 English troops, 
the other of 713, whilst he directed the ever-daring 
Olpherts to take four guns, and, supported by the 
men of the military train, to dash at the overlapping 
right of the rebels. Olpherts fell on them just as 


they were developing their overlapping movement, 
and not only compelled them to renounce it, but 
to fall back in confusion. The two brigades oper- 
ating against the centre were equally successful. 
They not only drove back the rebels, but foiled an 
insidious movement which their leader was planning 
against the right of the British position. By four 
o'clock the rebels were in full flight. Their losses 
were heavy. 

Four days later the enemy renewed their attack 
on several points of Outram's lines. One large body, 
led by a Hindu devotee dressed up as Hanuman 
the monkey-god, made a sudden dash on the Jalala- 
bad outpost, but were soon repulsed by a well-aimed 
fire which laid their leader helpless on the ground. 
Throughout the day they skirmished ineff"ectually 
about Outram's left. Growing bolder in the falling 
darkness, they swarmed against the villages on our 
extreme left. But the withering fire of grape and 
musketry poured in by Gordon's men sent them 
flying with heavy loss. Meanwhile a large body 
of horse which threatened the left rear was held in 
check and finally scattered by Olpherts' gunners 
and the men of the military train. 

About the middle of February 1858 a return con- 
voy laden with supplies had begun its march home- 
ward from Cawnpore. But the famous maulvi, one 
of the most active of the rebel leaders, had sworn 
that he would capture the returning convoy. On 
the night of the 14th he set out from Lucknow at 
the head of a strong force, and took up a position 
whence he could fall with ease upon his expected 
prey. But Outram had already got some inkling 
of the maulvi s scheme. As a violent dust-storm 


was blowing on the 15th, under cover of which the 
assailants might gain their end, he ordered out two 
of Olpherts' horsed guns and a troop of military 
train to observe their movements. Some fresh 
troops, with the rest of Olpherts' battery, were sent 
on betimes towards the scene of danger. 

Olpherts, however, had already made so spirited 
a charge upon the hostile cavalry escorting the 
maulvi himself that his supports came up only in 
time to quicken the enemy's retreat, and cover the 
return of the convoy to camp.^ 

On the morning of the 16th, to quote from Out- 
ram's own despatch, " the enemy filled their trenches 
with as many men as they could hold, and as- 
sembled in vast numbers under the topes [groves] 
in their rear ; at the same time a body of cavalry 
and infantry was detached to threaten our left flank. 
. . . They made repeated demonstrations of ad- 
vancing to attack, but their courage apparently as 
often failed them, and they almost immediately 
retired to their position. About 5.30 p.m. they 
suddenly issued in clouds of skirmishers from the 
trenches, advancing for some distance towards our 
batteries posted on the left and centre of our line, 
and opened a smart fire of musketry on the outpost 
of the left front village and advanced towards it in 
large bodies. They were repulsed by the picket, 
consisting of 200 men of the 90th Light Infantry 
under command of Lieutenant - Colonel Smith of 
that regiment, losing a good many men, the 90th 
having three wounded. 

" As soon as it was dark they concentrated a 
very heavy musketry-fire on the north and east 

^ Malleson. Forrest. 


faces of the AlambA,gh, which they continued for 
about two hours, but fortunately did no harm ; 
they did not all finally retire until 8.30 p.m. Their 
loss must have been severe, as their flashes gave 
an excellent line for our guns, which opened on 
them with shrapnel - shell and grape. Our loss 
during the last two days has been one killed and 
three wounded." 

By this time the rebel leaders became aware of 
the great preparations which Sir Colin Campbell 
was making for the advance of a powerful army 
against Lucknow. A large convoy was coming up 
from Cawnpore, escorted by the greater part of 
Outram's cavalry. On Sunday, February 21, the 
war-worn Outram had ao;ain to meet the furious 
onsets of 20,000 rebels, and the fire of numerous 
guns, on all sides of a position weakened by the 
absence of some of his best troops. His spies, how- 
ever, had forewarned him of the enemy's purpose ; 
how the Hindus had sworn by the Ganges, and the 
Muhammadans on the Koran, that they would slay 
the Farangis or perish in the attempt. 

The assailants, therefore, got nothing but dis- 
appointment for their pains. Dosed with grape 
from the British guns, their swarming cavalry 
checked by the bold advance of a few field-pieces 
and a few hundred horse, those threatening masses 
were chased back to the shelter of their own 
batteries with the loss of many hundred slain or 
wounded, against only nine wounded on our side. 

" I am awaiting the junction of the chief," Outram 
writes on the 23rd to Dr Fayrer, " and he appears 
to be awaiting the advance of Jung Bahadur ; in the 
meantime the enemy is becoming desperate, and 


has been rather restless of late and somewhat 
troublesome ; but he lost so severely in his last 
attack on Sunday — at least 600 killed and wounded 
— that he has not plucked up heart yet to come on 

On the 25th, however, the enemy made one last 
determined effort to destroy the garrison which had 
defied them for three months past. "The Queen 
Regent and her son," says Forrest, "the Prime 
Minister and the principal nobles, mounted on state 
elephants, came out of the city to encourage the 
assailants and witness their triumph." But by 
this time Outram had been reinforced by several 
hundred horse and foot, and a battery of light 
guns. After a night-march of thirty-six miles, the 
main body of Hodson's Horse, led by the all-daring 
Hodson himself, had entered the Alambagh in the 
early morning of the 25th, just in time to bear a 
noteworthy part in that day's decisive struggle. 

The attack was delivered about 9 a.m. along the 
whole front of Outram's line. AVhile large bodies 
of horse and foot, with three guns, bore down 
against his left, thirty regiments of foot, with 1000 
horse and eight guns, were seen advancing against 
his right. " Of this number," writes Outram, 
" about one-half, with two guns, advanced towards 
our right rear, and, having occupied the toi^es im- 
mediately to the east of Jalalabad, commenced 
shelling that post heavily, evidently in the hope 
of igniting the large quantity of combustible stores 
at present collected there ; while the remainder held 
in support the villages and topes directly in front of 
the enemy's outworks." 

About an hour later, having given time for 


Barrow's Volunteers and Wales's Horse to sweep 
round on the enemy's rear, Outram delivered his 
counter-attack with the bulk of his available force. 
" The infantry," says Captain Sir J. Seton of the 
Madras Fusiliers, " did not come into effective 
action, so precipitate was the retreat of the enemy 
on receiving the fire of the horsed guns, and on 
becoming aware of two bodies of cavalry, of which 
one, advancing from the left of the British column, 
threatened to cut off" his retreat, while the other, 
having made a detour by the village of Nauran- 
gabad, came on him from the opposite direction. 
Still there was time for the centre body of cavalry 
which headed the infantry column to dash into the 
retreating ranks and to capture two guns." 

By 1 P.M. the foe had disappeared. "About 
4 P.M.," says Outram, " the enemy again moved 
out against us. On this occasion they directed 
their principal efforts against our left, and evinced 
more spirit and determination than they had 
hitherto done. Kepeatedly they advanced within 
grape and musket range, and as they ever met 
with a warm reception from our guns and Enfields, 
especially from those of the left front picket, com- 
manded by Major Master, of the 5th Fusiliers, they 
must have suff"ered severely." 

During the night firing was renewed from time 
to time as the discomfited rebels sent parties for- 
ward to cover the removal of their dead. Their 
loss throughout the day was reported to have been 
from 400 to 500 slain, while Outram had lost no 
more than five killed and thirty -five officers and 
men wounded. 

Thus ended the sixth and last attempt to over- 


power the little force which for three months had 
maintained its perilous watch at the Alambagh over 
the rebellious capital of a province swarming with 
Sepoy mutineers and the armed retainers of nobles 
and great landowners fiercely impatient of British 
rule. Outram's unsleeping vigilance, and the ready 
trust which he inspired in all who served under 
him, had now cleared the way for that final sul)- 
jugation of Oudh which our arms and diplomacy 
had still to accomplish. 

"Sir James," says one who knew him, "had a 
cheery word for officers and men at each post, 
generally some small compliment — such as a regret 
the enemy would not come on, because you're al- 
ways so well prepared — and his visit seemed a wel- 
come one everywhere. As you know, he could be 
uncommonly irate on provocation. ... I was told 
that when he did 'let out' at any one, especially 
a youngster, he was not comfortable till he had 
made it up by some kind word or deed, and that 
as often as not a ' wig ' ended by the ofi'er of a 
cheroot — a valuable gift at the Alambagh. His 
holster was stuff'ed with these luxuries instead of a 
revolver, and he dispensed them right liberally." ^ 

"Full justice," says Mr Forrest, "was not done 
by Sir Colin Campbell or the chief of the staff to 
Outram's defence of Alambagh, which must be 
viewed as a fine example of courage and good 
conduct, and will always stand out as a glorious 
episode in the annals of the Indian Mutiny." 

^ Forrest's Selections. 




Not till the end of February 1858 did Sir Colin 
Campbell leave Cawnpore to take command of 
perhaps the finest army that ever in British uniform 
stepped out on Indian soil. Four strong divisions 
of infantry, including that of Franks', who was 
marching up from the southern borders of Oudh, 
two good brigades of Sir Hope Grant's cavalry, 
three splendid brigades of artillery under Sir 
Archdale Wilson, and one of Engineers, made up 
an army of 25,000 men, two-thirds of whom were 
British-born. Outram, of course, commanded the 
first infantry division, which included the heroes of 
so many bloody fights between Fathipur and Luck- 
now — Neill's own Fusiliers, the 78th Highlanders, 
and Brasyer's Sikhs. To the second division, under 
General Lugard, belonged the 93rd Highlanders 
and the 4th Punjab Rifles. Conspicuous among the 
regiments of Walpole's division were the 1st Bengal 
Fusiliers and the 2nd, or Green's, Punjab Infantry. 
The war-worn 9th Lancers, Hodson's swarthy Horse, 
and the dashing Volunteer Cavalry formed the pick 
of Hope Grant's powerful array. The Engineer 
brigade might well be proud of such a leader as 


Robert Napier. In tlie long roll of battery-com- 
manders the names of Turner, Tombs, Olpherts, 
Remmington, Middleton, Bishop, recalled many a 
great deed done before Delhi, or on the way to 
Lucknow, by the soldiers of an army renowned for 
matchless services in every field. Major Henry 
Norman, the adjutant-general, had won no small 
distinction during the siege of Delhi. As chief of 
the staff General Mansfield was in his right place. 
Dr Brown, the superintending surgeon ; Major 
Johnson, the assistant adj utant- general ; Captain 
FitzGerald, of the commissariat ; Captain Allgood, 
the quartermaster-general, were all officers of known 
worth in their several lines. Joti Parsad himself, 
the great contractor, came over from Agra to 
supply the means of feeding and moving Sir Colin's 

On March 2 Sir Colin, with the van of his fine 
arm}^, passed by the Alambagh on his way to the 
old camping-ground at the Dilkusha. Outram came 
out to meet his chief and discuss with him the 
details of the campaign in which he himself was to 
play an important part, and concerning which he 
had more than once in the past month expounded 
his own views by letter to Sir Colin Campbell. 

After a sharp skirmish, in which the enemy lost a 
gun, Sir Colin Campbell got firmly planted around 
the Dilkusha, his right resting on the Gumti, while 
the advanced pickets held the Dilkusha Palace on 
the right, the Muhammad-Bagh on the left front. 
Both points were strengthened with heavy guns, 
which kept down the fire from a line of outworks 
along the canal. The next two days were spent 
in bringing up the remainder of the troops, guns, 


and stores of all kinds from the rear. Colonel 
Campbell's cavalry brigade guarded the left of 
the camp, and scoured the country in front of 
the Alambagh. Hodson's ubiquitous troopers kept 
diligent watch towards the fort of Jalalabad beyond 
the British left. On the 5th General Franks, true 
to the day appointed, was ready to fill up the gap 
which Outram's march across the Gumti would leave 
on the morrow in Campbell's line. 

By this time Outram had left the Alambagh to 
overlook the process of bridging the Gumti near the 
village of Bibiapur. "The chief," he wrote to his 
wife on March 4, "has done me the high honour of 
placing me in command of a large force which is to 
occupy a position on the other side of the Gumti 
to-morrow. ... I anticipate little or no opposition, 
so do not be alarmed should this reach you before 
you learn the result. ... A higher honour could 
not have been conferred on me than this command." 

Early on the morning of the 6th Outram's division 
marched down towards the Gumti, across which two 
floating bridges had been completed during the 
previous night. As the leading troop of horse 
approached the river they found Outram seated 
beside one of the bridges, quietly smoking his cigar 
as he awaited the arrival of his column across the 
difficult ground which lay between the river and 
the camp. A little later Sir Colin himself, says Sir 
J. Hope Grant, " being anxious to get his men 
across before the enemy could discover our inten- 
tion and open upon us, rode down to the river- 
side and pitched into everybody most handsomely, 
I catching the principal share. But this had a good 
effect, and hastened the passage very materially — 


everything was got over in safety just as daybreak 

Then began the great turning movement which 
Sir Colin Campbell had rightly intrusted to the 
foremost soldier in his army, the first deliverer of 
Lucknow, the stubborn defender of the Alambagh. 
While the Commander-in-Chief prepared at the 
given moment to crash his way forward through a 
triple line of works, held by a foe at once strong and 
resolute, his trusty lieutenant was to press onward 
up the left bank of the Gumti, to block the way of 
escape on that side of the great city, and to storm 
or rake with his heavy guns the eastern and northern 
faces of the enemy's works. 

It was no light task, indeed, that awaited the 
powerful army of Oudh. Whatever a brave, 
resolute, and cunning foe could do to strengthen 
a strong position had been done by the 70,000 or 
80,000 Sepoys, volunteers, and armed retainers, 
whom national pride, fanaticism, or hope of plunder 
had rallied to the colours of the manly-hearted 
Queen Regent, Hazrat-Mahal, or to the green flag 
of her suspected rival, the maulvi of Faizabad. 
Besides the natural strength of a large city full of 
narrow streets, tall houses, and great palace squares, 
each forming a separate stronghold, its defenders 
had gained ample time to repair past damages and 
to throw up new defences at points that seemed 
open to future attack. 

The canal itself formed a wet ditch to the outer- 
most line of works whose kernel consisted of the 
cluster of courts and buildings known as the Kaiser 
Bagh. A fortified rampart stretched along the 
inner side of the canal. The midmost line of works 


covered the great pile of the Imambara, the Mess- 
House, and the Moti Mahal. Each of these lines 
ended at the river, which swept sharply southward 
as it passed the neighbourhood of the dome-crowned 
Imjimbara. Their inner flanks rested on the streets 
of a crowded city, through which no general would 
choose to force his way. Outside the canal, in the 
bend between it and the river, stood, amidst fair 
gardens and stately groves, the building once known 
as Constantia, and since called, after its founder, La 
Martiniere. From this post the rebels for the first 
few days kept up a fire not altogether harmless. 
But it was not Sir Colin's cue to take one step for- 
ward until Outram had fairly turned the defences of 
the canal. 

Meanwhile Sir James led Walpole's infantry, a 
picked brigade of horse under Hope Grant, and five 
batteries of guns under Brigadier Wood, across the 
two bridges which Napier's engineers had fashioned 
out of beer-casks, ropes, and planking in the past 
three days. That night, after a skirmish with the 
enemy's cavalry, he rested near the village of 
Ishmaelganj, the site of that disastrous battle on 
June 30 which preluded the siege of the Residency. 
The next day was spent in repelling the enemy's 
attacks upon Outram's pickets. On the 8th his 
men were employed in preparing batteries for the 
heavy guns sent over that morning for his use. 

The dawn of the 9th was ushered in by the 
thunders of a crushing fire poured into the enemy's 
works at the Chakar Kothi, or Yellow House, which 
had been the grand-stand of the King of Oudh's 
race-course, from eight heavy guns and three how- 
itzers. Ere long the Chakar Kothi was stormed by 


a part of Wal pole's infantry, aided by a few of 
Wood's guns. Pressing hotly on the heels of a 
retreating foe, Outram carried with ease the strong 
walled enclosure of the Padshah -Bagh or King's 
Garden, and began with his heavy guns to rake the 
line of works behind the Martiniere. 

During those days of waiting Sir Colin's heavy 
guns and mortars from the opposite bank of the 
river kept pounding into the defences in their front. 
Peel's rockets scared the rebels out of corners still 
spared by his shells. The storming of the Yellow 
House became the signal for Lugard's advance on 
the first line of works. Without firing a shot the 
Highlanders and Punjabis of Hope's brigade stormed 
the defences of the Martiniere ; then with another 
magnificent rush they climbed up the lofty ramparts 
lining the canal. Their steps were quickened by the 
sight of an English officer waving his sword atop of 
the rampart, a mark for the muskets of many foes. 
It was the bold Lieutenant Butler of the 1st Bengal 
Fusiliers, who had swum across the river to acquaint 
Hope's skirmishers with Outram's success in turning 
the first line of works. 

On the evening of the 9th the line of the canal 
as far as Banks's House was safe in British hands. 
The next day was spent by Lugard's column in 
battering and storming Banks's House and in 
making ready for a flank march to the left of the 
Kaiser Bagh, while Outram was bringing his guns 
and mortars to play upon the same post from his 
camp across the river, and Hope Grant's horsemen 
were busy scouring the plain between the river and 
the old cantonments. On the 11th from both flanks 
of the besieging army a furious storm of shot and 


shell crashed down on the remaining defences of 
the doomed city. The Sikandrabagh, scene of so 
much slaughter in the past November, was carried 
easily that morning. Other buildings to the right 
were won as swiftly by storm or simple cannonade. 
One massive pile of buiklings, known as the Begam 
Kothi or Beo;am's Palace, held out for several 
hours under a merciless pounding from Peel's 
howitzers. While Napier was yet watching for the 
moment when bayonets might take the place of 
cannon, Sir Colin and some of his officers were 
engaged in the less congenial task of exchanging 
courtesies with Jang Bahadur, the warlike Kegent 
of Nipal, who had just brought his Gurkhas, some 
days after time, into the field. 

In the midst of that interview the war-grimed 
figure of Hope Johnstone, the deputy adjutant- 
general, strode up to his chief bearing the glad 
news of the successful storming of the Begam 
Kothi. In another moment Sir Colin Campbell 
and Jang Bahadur were grasping each other's hands 
and making up with friendly smiles for their want 
of a common language. 

The fight whose issue had been thus opportunely 
announced was described by Campbell himself as 
the " sternest struggle which occurred during the 
siege." After a fierce bombardment of eight or 
nine hours, ending in a practicable breach, Napier 
resolved to carry the Begam's Palace by storm. 
About 4 P.M. Adrian Hope led forth a column of 
the 93rd Highlanders, 4th Punjab Rifles, and 1000 
Gurkhas to the attack. The Highlanders mounted 
the breach first, but their comrades were close be- 
hind. At every turn some fresh work had to be 


carried, some fresh group of rebels to be over- 
powered. But the dread bayonet clove its way 
through all barriers. Ere long the whole pile of 
buildings, itself a powerful fortress, bastioned, loop- 
holed, filled with men and guns, begirt with tall 
ramparts and a broad deep ditch, had been swept 
clean of its living garrison. Of the rebel dead 500 
bodies were afterwards counted up. 

The victory would have been cheaply won but 
for the death of the far-famed Hodson, who, having 
joined the fight as a volunteer, fell shot through 
the liver by one of the sepoys lurking in an outer 
room of the great courtyard. Some of his troopers 
cried that night like children over their dying hero, 
whom those rouoh Eastern warriors had loved and 
worshipped as their ideal of perfect soldiership, — the 
model captain of light horse, the matchless swords- 
man, the wise yet daring counsellor, the born leader 
of men, — who would have followed him anywhither 
to the death. ^ 

" I trust I have done my duty," were the last 
words which the dying hero spoke to his sorrowing 
friend Napier. On the evening of the 12th, the 
day after Hodson's death, his body was buried in 
the grounds of the Martiniere. At the moment 
when it was lowered into the grave, Campbell him- 
self, the veteran Commander-in-Chief, burst into 
tears over the loss of " one of the finest oflicers in 
the army," the man whom Robert Napier was 
proud to call friend, to whom Montgomery could 
find no equal for his rare combination of talent, 
courage, coolness, and unerring judgment. 

On this day Outram also had been steadily gain- 

^ Russell ; ' Hodson of Hodson's Horse ' ; Innes ; Forrest. 


ing ground. While his heavy batteries pounded 
the Mess-House and the Kaiser Bagh, his infantry, 
flanked by the horse, swept onwards through the 
suburbs on that side of the Gumti, seized a mosque 
commanding the iron bridge above the Eesidency, 
and drove the enemy as far as the stone bridge by 
the Machhi-Bhawan. At this point he sounded a 
halt. Strengthening his hold on the iron bridge, 
he resolved to await the coming of some more heavy 
guns, which might help in raking the defences of 
the Kaiser Bagh. On the 13th these new allies 
spoke to such eflfect that the enemy, placed between 
two raging fires, fled despairing on the morrow from 
their last great stronghold in Lucknow. In all these 
movements on the left bank of the river Outram's 
loss, apart from the cavalry, amounted only to 26 
slain, 113 wounded. "It is impossible," says Col- 
onel Malleson, " to overestimate the value of the 
assistance which Outram thus rendered to the main 

Meanwhile on his own side Sir Colin had been 
steadily tearing his way to the heart of the rebel 
defences. On the 12th Franks's division relieved 
Lugard's. While Napier's sappers kept blowing 
up the lines of building between the Begam Kothi 
and the Kaiser Bagh, the infantry with some of the 
mortars moved gradually forward, and a strong 
battery of heavy guns thundered against the 
lesser Imambara. At last on the morning of the 
14th this light and graceful monument of Moorish 
art was carried with a rush by Brigadier Russell's 
infantr}^ A minute later Brayser's Sikhs had 
follow^ed the flying Bandies right through the open 
gateway of the Kaiser Bagh. Other troops came 



up close behind the Sikhs ; but their help was 
hardly needed, for no stand was made save where 
a knot of rebels, driven into a corner, had to sell 
their lives as dearly as they could. 

Still the conquerors pressed forward, the more 
eagerly for that last success. One after another the 
Mess-House, the Teri-Kothi, the Moti Mahal, and 
the Chatar Manzil, all scenes of hard fighting in 
the past November, fell into their hands. It was 
a hard daj^^'s work for all concerned ; but the elation 
of repeated victories upheld them marvellously to 
the end. That evening Campbell might fairly deem 
himself master of Lucknow, might well be proud of 
a conquest achieved on the whole so easily, at a 
cost of only 900 killed and wounded, over an enemy 
of thrice his own numbers, intrenched along a range 
of massive palaces and wide-walled courts whose 
like could hardly be found in Europe ; every weak 
point strengthened to the utmost, each outlet care- 
fully guarded by works that displayed a marvellous 
industry and no common skill. ^ 

Campbell, however, on this day had lost a golden 
opportunity of reaping the full fruits of his success. 
Thanks to the daring of two volunteers, Lieutenant 
"Wynne and Sergeant Paul, Outram saw himself 
free to cross the iron bridge and cut off the retreat 
of the enemy from the positions already attacked 
by Franks and Napier. The rebels would thus 
have been completely destroyed, and much of the 
work which our arms had still to accomplish would 
have been forestalled. But his request for leave 
to cross the Gumti was met by an answer, the 
strangest surely that ever a British general re- 

^ Sir C. Campbell's despatch. 


turned to his second in command. " I am afraid, 
gentleman," said Outram to those around him, 
" you will be disappointed when I tell you that I 
am not going to attack to-day." Sir Colin, in 
fact, had ordered him not to cross the river unless 
he could do so without losing a single man. 

As the enemy had guns commanding the bridge, 
to say nothing of a mosque and some loopholed 
houses behind them, Outram knew that he could not 
carry the bridge without losing a number of men. 
As Malleson has well observed, " the ultimate pursuit 
of the rebels who escaped because Outram did not 
cross caused an infinitely greater loss of men to the 
British army than the storming of the bridge 
and the taking of the rebels in rear would have 

On the 15th the cavalry of Hope Grant and 
Brigadier Campbell were sent off by different roads 
in pursuit of the rebels flying from Lucknow. But 
nothing was gained by this move. The enemy had 
scattered all over the country, and many of those 
who still remained in the city seized that oppor- 
tunity to escape for the purpose of doing us further 
mischief ere long. " It was not a judicious move on 
Sir Colin's part," writes Lord Eoberts, " to send the 
cavalry miles away from Lucknow just when they 
could have been so usefully employed on the out- 
skirts of the city. This was also appreciated when 
too late, and both brigades were ordered to return, 
which they did on the 17th." 

A large remnant of the beaten foe had still to 
be cleared out of the city. On March 16 Outram 
carried one of his brigades across the Gumti to the 

^ Forrest ; Malleson ; Lord Koberts's Forty-One Years in India. 


Sikandrabagh, and, strengthened by two more regi- 
ments, pressed on to attack the Residency and seize 
tlie iron bridge. Easily successful in both attempts, 
he lost no time in carrying the Machhi-Bhawan and 
a group of buildings hard by. 

The way of escape by the stone bridge being at 
length cut off by Walpole's brigade and some of the 
cavalry, the enemy fled up the right bank of the 
river ; some making straight for Rohilkhand, others 
halting for a last stand in the Musa-Bagh, another 
of those walled gardens that everywhere skirted the 
city. Meanwhile another body of rebels made a 
bold but fruitless dash upon the Alambagh, where 
Franklin's small garrison stood quite ready to receive 

While Outram was steadily cleaving his way 
through the north-western quarter of the city, 
Jang Bahadur, having dislodged the rebels from 
the neighbourhood of the Alambagh, advanced along 
the southern side of Lucknow, clearing the neigh- 
bourhood of the Hazrat-Granj, the great street which 
led from the Chfirbagh bridge up to the ruined 

On March 19th a combined movement was led by 
Outram against the 5000 rebels still intrenched 
within the Musa-Bagh. The task allotted him was 
soon accomplished. Position after position fell with 
hardly a struggle, until the enemy were sent flying 
in headlong rout before the sweeping rush of the 9th 
Lancers. Of their twelve guns two were at once 
abandoned, four were taken by Outram's pursuing 
force, and the other six fell into the hands of Captain 
Coles's Lancers, who kept up the chase for several 
miles. But 200 or 300 horsemen could not annihilate 


SO many thousand Sepoys fleeing through cornfields, 
enclosed gardens, and ground cut up by ravines. 
Most of the fugitives, therefore, got away to brew 
fresh mischief anon in other places. 

Once more Outram was prevented by an un- 
toward chance from gathering the full fruits of his 
success. The fault on this occasion lay not with his 
chief but with Colonel Campbell, who failed to bring 
up his cavalry brigade in time to press on the pur- 
suit which Coles's Lancers had so brilliantly begun. 
And thus it happened that some thousands more of 
discomfited Pandies swelled the number of fugitives 
who lived to fight another day.^ 

One of the foremost rebel leaders, the maulvi of 
Faizabad, was still lurking in the heart of the city 
with several hundred of his bravest followers and 
two guns. On the 21st Sir Edward Lugard was sent 
to dislodge him. A stout resistance was at last over- 
come by a successful charge of the 93rd Foot, who 
took the guns and slew more than a hundred of the 
flying foe. But, in spite of a keen pursuit by 
Brigadier Campbell's cavalry, the maulvi himself 
again made good his escape. By that time the few 
small parties who had lingered in odd corners of the 
city had been routed out and slain or scattered afar. 
Two days later Hope Grant broke up a body of 
insurgents at Kursi, twenty miles away on the 
Faizabad road, with heavy slaughter and the seizure 
of more guns. 

With this last achievement ends the reconquest of 
Lucknow, and the short but memorable career of the 
army of Oudh. The last great centre of armed re- 
bellion eastward of the Jumna had fallen wholly into 

1 Hope Grant ; Malleson. 


Sir Colin's power. Paralysed by the loss of Luck- 
uow, by the defection or the quarrels of their fore- 
most leaders, one of whom, Man Singh, was already 
making terms with his former masters, the insur- 
gents of Oudh could henceforth be attacked and 
crushed by smaller columns moving each under its 
own commander. 

Lucknow was wholly in our hands ; but Sir Colin 
had, in the words of General Innes, "lost nearly 
the whole of the hoped-for fruits of his capture of 
Lucknow, owing first to his checking Outram on the 
14th ; then to his misdirected pursuits of the 15th ; 
and finally to the failure of proper leading for his 
splendid force of cavalry at the most opportune and 
critical moment of the war." The immediate out- 
come of three weeks' fighting fell lamentably short 
of that which Outram's far-seeing counsels would 
have ensured. 

In the great city itself was left a powerful garrison 
under the fit command of Hope Grant, himself 
subordinate to the Chief Commissioner of Oudh. 
Lugard's division marched southwards to deal with 
the rebels who, under Kunwar Singh, were still 
threatening Azimgarh. Walpole led his own brave 
soldiers northwards into Rohilkhand. Jang Bahadur, 
with the pick of his Nipalese, marched off to Allaha- 
bad, where the Governor- General was waiting to 
thank his magnificent ally for services which, though 
tardily accepted and somewhat haltingly rendered, 
were destined to reap no grudging reward. 

Meanwhile the Chief Commissioner had been 
strongly protesting through the telegraph wires 
against the tenor of a proclamation which Lord 
Canning had directed him to issue after the re- 


conquest of Lucknow. In the first draft of that 
memorable document the Governor-General had 
confiscated the whole proprietory right in the soil 
of Oudh, save in the case of six men — three rajahs, 
one talukdar, and two zamindars — who had stood 
faithful amid great temptations. An explanatory 
letter accompanied the proclamation. Sir James 
protested against the impolitic harshness of a decree 
which seemed to widen the area of popular revolt. 
It was adding, he pleaded, one injustice to another 
to press so hard upon a class of men who, smarting 
under the blows inflicted by the settlement decrees 
of 1856, had delayed taking up arms against us 
" until our rule was virtually at an end." Give 
them back their lands, and they will at once aid us 
in restoring order. Otherwise, driven to despair, 
" they will betake themselves to their domains for 
the carrying on of a long, bloody, and guerilla war." ^ 
In reply to these remonstrances. Lord Canning in- 
structed him to insert in the proclamation a qualify- 
ing clause, which granted a large indulgence to all 
who should help in re-establishing order. 

In the document thus amended those rebel land- 
owners who should at once surrender were promised 
immunity from death or imprisonment, if only their 
hands were " unstained with English blood murder- 
ously shed." Those who had protected English 
lives would have especial claims to the kind and 
considerate treatment withheld from none but down- 
right murderers of English men and women. 

With every copy of the revised proclamation 
Outram sent forth a circular letter, informing each 
of the talukdars that if he would at once come in 

^ Official Papei's. 


and obey the Chief Commissioner's orders, none of 
his lands would be confiscated, and his claims to 
lands held by him before annexation would be re- 
heard, " provided you have taken no part in the 
atrocities committed on helpless Europeans." 

In another circular he exhorted the people of 
Oudh to get rid of the " absurd belief, instilled into 
them by the rebels, that the British Government are 
going to destroy their caste," because "the Christian 
religion forbids forcible conversion to its doctrines." 

Outram's efforts to neutralise the mischief caused 
by Canning's sweeping severity found a hearty, if 
rather indiscreet, response in the scolding despatch 
which his former opponent, Lord Ellenborough, sent 
out as President of the Board of Control to the 
Governor-General. By that time, however, Outram 
had ceased to administer the affairs of Oudh. On 
April 4 he left Lucknow for Calcutta to serve as 
military member of the Supreme Council in the 
room of Sir John Low. His able successor in Oudh, 
Eobert Montgomery, proceeded to carry out the 
new policy with the mingled tact and vigour which 
had won for him in the Punjab a name second only 
to that of John Lawrence. 

" It need hardly be observed," says Outram's 
biographer, " that the farewell greetings he received 
were of more than ordinary warmth. Few men 
have left more sincerely attached comrades behind 
than he did at each stage of his career. He de- 
clined an escort for himself and the members of his 
staff who accompanied him, relying on his stout 
stick for his own protection ; and so he quietly 
took his final leave of Lucknow." 

" General Outram left yesterday," wrote one of 


his friends to an Indian newspaper. " He left with 
that which rank cannot claim nor regulations compel, 
the tearful valedictions of many attached friends, 
and the affectionate regrets of the whole army. 
' How Sir James must have been beloved ! ' was 
the pleased exclamation of his successor, Mr Mont- 
gomery, as he watched the General's departure 
from Banks's House. . . . ' God bless the dear old 
General ! ' was uttered by many a manly voice from 
the Dil Khusha to Musa-Bagh, from the canton- 
ments to the Residency, in tones of deep emotion, 
and with the emphasis of unfeigned sincerity. And 
the bravery, the goodness, the tender-heartedness 
of the fine soldier who had so often led them in 
battle, were the favourite topics of discussion yester- 
day afternoon in every guardroom and at every 
mess. Well did this true-hearted, chivalric, gener- 
ous English gentleman merit the love of his troops. 
For rarely has there been a commander to whom 
the happiness and wellbeing of his men were so 
much an object of incessant thought. Have you 
noticed the difference between his despatches and 
those of most other generals ? With them it is ' I ' 
did this, ' I ' ordered that, ' I ' pushed on here, or 
effected a division there. With him how different ! 
The whole operations are described as though they 
had been the spontaneous acts of the individual 
commanding officers, with no directing mind to 
regulate their movements. His ' I's ' are limited 
to acknowledgments of his obligations ; and how 
warmly does he acknowledge his obligations ! How 
eager to say a kind word for every one ! How 
thoughtful about all but himself ! " 

A few days before his departure, Outram found 


time to write Major Olpherts a letter which deserves 
quoting in full : — 

"My dear Olpherts, — The old 1st Division is 
about to be broken up. An entirely new distri- 
bution of the army is about to take place, and I 
shall not have the opportunity of expressing in my 
farewell order, which must be of a general nature, 
the admiration with which I regard both you and 
your noble fellows in particular, and the regard 
which I entertain towards yourself personally. 
Such sentiments I could not embody in a despatch 
while we were together in the field without laying 
myself open to the charge of using extra-official 

" Believe me, my dear heroic Olpherts, that you 
occupy a very high place in my afi'ection and re- 
gard ; and that I shall ever remember with pride, 
pleasure, and gratitude to yourself the six months 
we stood together in the plain of Alambagh. 

" ' Bravery ' is a poor and insufficient epithet to 
apply to a valour such as yours ; and Olpherts' 
' zeal ' and ' energy ' are terms of too common ap- 
plication to convey my sense of your entire and 
successful devotion to the service. But words are 
at best the symbols of ideas and feelings, and I 
trust that you require no symbols to satisfy you 
as to what I think of you and feel towards you. 
Should you be spared, there is a bright and glorious 
career before you, and not one of your friends 
will watch it with deeper interest than, my dear 
Olpherts, yours aff'ectionately, J. Outram." ^ 

^ Goldsmid. 



COUNCIL. MAY 1858-JULY 1860. 

At Allahabad, where Lord Canning had for the time 
fixed his headquarters, Outram became the guest of 
the Governor-General, who greeted him as cordially 
as if no cause for dispute had arisen between them. 

On May 2 we find him in Calcutta writing to his 
old friend Captain Eastwick on many topics of public 
and personal interest. He is " crushed with work, 
principally the drudgery of demi-official correspond- 
ence," resulting from his Persian and Indian cam- 
paigns. He " hopes and believes " that the new 
Chief Commissioner of Oudh will render that 
province "the most prosperous division of our 
Indian Empire. By the aid of its existing landed 
aristocracy this may easily be done. . . . But even 
with the adoption of correct principles, and with a 
Montgomery to apply them, I fear that Oudh will 
never flourish — as it easily might be made, and 
indubitably ought to be made to flourish — until half 
the foolscap work now imposed on our oflicials be 

And he goes on to sketch some of the most need- 
ful reforms which would tend to release " our highly 


educated and highly paid civil officers from the 
clerkly drudgery which leaves them no time for the 
performance of their higher duties, and from that 
soul-crushing system of references, official criticisms, 
and snubbings, &c., which makes them dread to do 
good, or move one step beyond the ' Regulations.' " 

Soon after his arrival in Calcutta " he sent," says 
Major Robertson, "a very large quantity of new 
books and newspapers to all the corps which had 
served under him during the Mutiny. The papers 
were continued to the 78th until ordered home early 
in 1859. I need scarcely say that the cost of the 
books and papers came out of Sir James's pocket." ^ 
" In Calcutta," says his biographer, " he led the 
usual life of the European dignitary, with its many 
hours of steamy work, and such relaxation as was 
afforded by a constant succession of dinner-parties. 
These were in his case, though frequent, mostly at 
home ; for he did not care to go out at night. He 
and Lady Outram shared a good house at Garden 
Reach with his old friend Mr Le Geyt, of the 
Bombay Civil Service, and they generally had guests 
living under their roof, after the approved Indian 
custom — none being more welcome to Sir James 
than small middies." 

As early as June of this year he was driven to 
recruit his health by a sea voyage to Galle and 
back. Later in the year, for a similar reason, he 
spent a month at Chandanagor, and a few days at 

Soon after his return from Galle Outram was 
cheered by abundant tokens of public honour and 
esteem ; he had already received the thanks of 

1 Outram MSS. 


Parliament for his services at the Alambagh and for 
his share in the final conquest of Lucknow. At a 
meeting held in June by the Court of Proprietors, 
Sir Frederick Currie, chairman of the East India 
Board, announced that the Queen, at Lord Ellen- 
borough's suggestion, had been pleased to confer a 
baronetcy on Sir James Outram. He then proposed 
to enhance the value of this new honour by a 
yearly pension of £1000. The proposal was warmly 
seconded by Captain Eastwick, who thus closed an 
eloquent review of Outram's career: "It is right 
and fitting that their country should reward such 
men : no institutions, no political contrivances, 
can supply their place in the administration of its 

In the same month of June Outram's friends and 
well-wishers held a meeting in Bombay for the 
purpose of presenting him with a fitting testimonial 
of their affectionate regard. The result in due time 
appeared in the form of a handsome shield made of 
oxydised silver and damascened steel, the whole 
designed and modelled by the eminent sculptor Mr 
H. H. Armstead, E.A. In honour of Lady Outram 
the same committee ordered a complete set of silver 
plate, including a tea service for ordinary use. On 
the shield itself were represented the most note- 
worthy scenes in Outram's Indian career, from the 
subjugation of the Bhils to the charge of the 
Volunteer Horse at Mangalwar. In the centre of 
this fair work of art is a bold relief showing forth 
the hero's surrender of his command to Havelock. 
Around the central scene are medallion portraits of 
some of his most intimate friends and comrades. 

At a meeting held in the Guildhall on October 7 


it was resolved to present Outram with the freedom 
of the city of London and a sword of the value of a 
hundred guineas. In January 1859 the Master and 
Wardens of the Merchant Taylors' Company awarded 
him the freedom of their ancient corporation. 

Meanwhile, on August 2, 1858, the "Act for the 
better government of India " passed under the royal 
hand, and the East India Company ceased to rule 
the empire founded in its name. On the 7th the 
Directors went through the process of electing seven 
of their number to seats in the new Council of India, 
which took the place of the old Court of Directors. 
On November 1 of the same year a new era of peace 
and good government was solemnly proclaimed 
throughout British India by the reading of the 
manifesto in which Queen Victoria formally assumed 
the sceptre hitherto wielded by her trustees, the 
Honourable East India Company. 

This carefully worded State paper, drawn up by 
Lord Derby and retouched by the Queen herself, 
teemed with every assurance of pardon, protection, 
goodwill, and tender treatment for all ranks and 
classes of her Majesty's Indian subjects save the 
convicted murderers of English folk. It proclaimed 
a policy of strong -handed peace, good faith, and 
enlightened efforts for the common weal ; of respect 
for " the rights, dignity, and honour of native princes 
as our own " ; of impartial tolerance for all forms of 
religious belief or worship. None should be "in 
anywise favoured, none molested or disquieted," on 
account of his religious creed under a Government 
which for the first time openly rejoiced in its own 
Christianity. Every native, of whatever race or 
creed, was to be freely admitted to any public office 


the duties of which he might be qualified by '* educa- 
tion, ability, and integrity duly to discharge." In 
all future legislation all possible regard should be 
paid to "the ancient rights, usages, and customs of 
India," especially to all rights connected with the 
holding of ancestral lands. 

It was a memorable holiday all over India, the day 
when this Proclamation was read aloud, not only in 
the Viceroy's camp at Allahabad, but at the head- 
quarters of every province in the Empire, from the 
Punjab to Pegu. In all the chief cities of British 
India the booming of guns, the clang of military 
music, the cheers of paraded soldiery, and the noise 
of admiring crowds acclaimed the new charter of 
Indian rights and aspirations. 

While our troops were still employed in recon- 
quering parts of Oudh, hunting down the last band 
of outlawed desperadoes in Central India, the new 
military member of the Viceroy's Council was add- 
ing to his regular duties the writing of long minutes 
upon the new administrative problems arising out 
of the Sepoy war, and the final transfer of India 
from the Company to the Crown. He had long 
since foreseen that India needed a lar2:e increase 
of her English garrison to counterpoise the grow- 
ing numbers of her native soldiery. How best to 
remodel her military system in accordance with 
the teachings of experience and the drift of recent 
political changes formed one of the gravest ques- 
tions which Canning's Government had now to 

Outram, for his part, pleaded long and earnestly 
against entire absorption of the Company's European 
forces into the regular army of the Crown. By all 


means let us maintain, he argued, a large European 
garrison in India, but let it consist mainly of troops 
recruited for local service alone. Outram was will- 
ing enough to " abolish all the native artillery of the 
Bengal army, with the exception of the few guns 
required at certain frontier posts, in positions where 
Europeans could not live." But he would " rather 
retain the native artillery of Madras and Bombay." 
Should that point be otherwise resolved, he pro- 
posed to make the transition very gradual. He 
"would turn no trained artillerymen loose upon the 

He was against re-establishing "regular native 
infantry for Bengal, and would retain on the regular 
footing only the regiments which remained faithful, 
and those composed of the loyal remnants of other 
regiments ; these, I think, should have higher pay 
than the rest of the native army, comprised of 
irregular and police corps, who will generally, i 
understand, have nearly, if not quite, the same 
rates of pay as the line formerly received." 

To any scheme for amalgamating the Royal and 
Indian armies he was strongly averse, holding that 
any such transformation would involve serious 
injury to the interests of the latter, " especially 
of its officers." Even if such a measure could be 
carried through with entire justice to all concerned, 
he would still regard it as most impolitic. " In the 
first place, to assimilate the two armies, the system 
of purchase must be introduced into the Indian 
army, which would be detrimental to its morale. 
But more particularly would it be injurious to the 
Indian army, as creating a spirit of restlessness 
among young men, the officers, naturally desirous 


of change, and a feeling of instability in their 
position in India, which would deprive officers of 
heart in the service — and it would destroy that 
esprit de corps which now animates our Indian 
army. The officers composing that army should 
regard India as their home — the only sphere in 
which they can acquire, or hope for, promotion 
and distinction." 

In the course of 1859, while the question of 
amalgamation still hung in suspense, reports were 
rife of an impending mutiny among the local 
European troops, who had upheld their country's 
honour in a hundred fields, and during the late 
troubles had surpassed even their old renown. 
Eemembering how Lord Palmerston, as Prime 
Minister, had declared that all who objected to 
serve the Queen would "of course be entitled to 
their discharge," they deeply resented the prospect 
of being transferred "like a lot of horses" without 
question asked or choice offered them, from the 
service of the Company to that of the Crown. 

The storm blew over, but the " White Mutiny," 
as some people called it, dealt a crushing blow to 
the advocates of a separate local army. 

In vain did Outram in January 1860 record his 
solemn protest against a measure upon which the 
Home Government had already made up its mind. 
To his thinking the stories of the so-called " mutiny " 
had been greatly exaggerated. He urged that allow- 
ances should be made for conduct due to official 
blundering ; and he argued justly, that " were cir- 
cumstances to arise calculated to excite disaffection 
amongst the European soldiers of India, the evil 
could best be remedied by the presence in the country 



of two forces . . . cliflfering so far from each other 
in conditions of service and traditions as to give 
each a distinctive esprit de corps." The argument 
that a " local force would occupy a social position 
inferior to that held by the line troops " was scouted 
as "utterly undeserving of attention." 

In desiring to give the Queen's regiments a wider 
experience of field service in India, the Govern- 
ment seemed, he thought, to admit that Indian 
regiments were "in better marching and fighting 
order than regiments serving at home or in the 

Under the Indian system of selection for staff 
employ, he held that the stafi" of the Indian army 
contained as large a number of highly competent 
officers " as any army in Europe ; for, as he truly 
said, ' a man can and does create for himself, and 
superior fitness for stafi" employ always does create 
it for him. Such is not the case in England.' " ^ 

All such protests — and Outram on this question 
was backed by many officers of high repute — fiiiled 
to avert the inevitable issues of a struggle between 
the Horse Guards and the champions of local effici- 
ency. In the summer of 1860 the ministerial bill 
for amalgamating the two armies finally became 
law, and during the next two years Prince Albert's 
demand for " simplicity, unity, steadiness of system, 
and unity of command " was finally adopted. 

Outram's fatherly care for the wellbeing, moral 
and physical, of the British soldier shone forth in 
every line of a "supplementary minute," too long 
to be quoted, or even summarised here. It set 
forth in minute detail his carefully pondered views 

^ Goldsmid. 


on the soldier's training, equipment, and instruction, 
from the moment of his leaving home to the end of 
his career. 

Beginning, for instance, with the young soldier's 
life on board ship, he expressed " a very decided 
opinion that, daily (before breakfast), the troops 
should be assembled for the public worship of God. 
I do not ask for a long service. . . . But a service 
of some sort there should be, were it to embrace no 
more than the singing of the morning or some other 
hymn, the reading of a few verses of the Bible, and 
the recitation of one or two collects — or the Litany 
on those days on which the Church prescribes that 
the Litany shall be used." 

He insisted on the " great value of theatricals as 
a means of affording amusement to soldiers. In 
every regiment there are several men of mercurial 
temperament, and often of considerable intellectual 
ability and good education, for whom it is very diffi- 
cult to find any innocent amusement — often among 
the best and most useful men in an emergency, they 
are troublesome, and sometimes even dangerous, in 
quiet quarters. The rough outdoor amusements of 
their coarser comrades have few charms for them, 
and they are but too apt to degenerate into hard 
drinkers, or to find a most mischievous vent for 
their mental activity as soldier lawyers." ^ 

"Nothing," remarked his colleague, Sir Bartle 
Frere, "can be more profoundly true than what he 
says of the necessity for developing to a greater 
deo;ree the ' individualism ' of the soldier — in other 
words, training him to think and judge and act for 
himself, in place of training him to consider himself 

* Goldsmid. 


merely as a small portion of a great machine, pro- 
hibited from all independent action." 

" In the various gradations of military control," 
said Outram in the concluding words of his own 
minute, "all depends on the spirit in which the 
controlling power is exercised, and on the tact of 
him who exercises it. Be kind, considerate, and 
conciliatory ; scrupulously regard the feelings of 
those under you ; avoid aught that can weaken 
their legitimate authority or diminish the respect 
of their inferiors ; treat not a blunder as a crime ; 
assume that what is evidently unknovrn is simply 
something forgotten ; and if you have to do with 
well-conditioned men, they will regard your con- 
stant interest in their proceedings as a compliment, 
not as an offence. I speak from the experience of 
more than forty years, both in civil and military 

" I can only plead my profound conviction that 
the British soldier, even of the roughest stamp, is, 
if wisely and kindly treated, susceptible of a culture 
— physical, intellectual, moral, and professional — far 
in excess of that which is generally supposed to be 
attainable by him ; that just as you approximate a 
private intellectually, morally, and professionally 
to the standard of his officers, do you increase his 
commercial value as a soldier ; and that the interests 
of India (politically, financially, and morally con- 
sidered) demand that the very highest possible 
culture of all kinds should be bestowed on the 
members of her European garrison, and the highest 
possible development given to their capacities, both 
individual and corporate." 

His care for the British soldier extended even to 


the soldier's wife and daughters, who ought, he said 
in effect, to be treated by their officers with all the 
courtesy due from gentlemen towards women of 
whatever class. " The women should feel, and their 
husbands and husbands' comrades should see, that 
the most trifling matters affecting their comfort 
and happiness engaged their officers' constant and 
solicitous attention. They should be addressed as 
if it were assumed that every woman was in feelings 
a lady, and in moral tone all that her best friends 
could wish." 

As President of the Council in Lord Canning's 
absence, he impressed Sir Bartle Frere in 1860 with 
the " abundant energy " displayed by a veteran 
overworn with hard work, and the bodily strain of 
the past few years, in dealing with " any subject 
which related to the welfare of the soldier or to the 
rights of native princes or people ; and the favourite 
work of his latter days in Calcutta was the provision 
of means for exercise and recreation for the English 
soldiers, to whom Calcutta and the neighbouring 
cantonment of Dum-dum had so frequently afforded 
nothing but the road to a premature grave." 

During this period " it was my good fortune," 
says his old comrade Sir Vincent Eyre, "to be a 
frequent guest in Outram's house, and to enjoy a 
considerable share of his confidence. His active 
mind seemed to be perpetually occupied with the 
practical problem of how he could best serve the 
interests of his country, and benefit those classes, 
whether European or native, who fell within the 
legitimate range of his influence. . . . 

" He did all in his power to introduce a system 
of healthy recreations and useful occupations in 


barracks during those periods of unavoidable idle- 
ness when the soldier is most liable to fall into evil 
habits from sheer lack of proper objects to engage 
his attention. These efforts culminated in the 
establishment, at the cantonment of Dum-dum, of 
what became known as ' The Outram Institute,' and 
was the first ' soldiers' club,' on a durable basis, 
introduced into India, Its success may be said to 
have given the first impetus to a general adoption 
of the system throughout the service, with well- 
known beneficial results. . . . Outram may be said 
to have established an unquestionable claim to 
special distinction as ' the soldier's friend.' " 

Towards the end of 1859 he had once more to 
part from the wife who had so lately rejoined him. 
About this time he renewed his acquaintance with 
Mr John Sherer, then journeying homewards on a 
well-earned furlough from Cawnpore. On reaching 
the metropolis Mr Sherer found his father-in-law, 
Sir Henry Harington, living in Chowringhee with 
Outram and Le Geyt, then legislative member for 
Bombay. "The Indian Bayard, when I was driving 
in the carriage with him in the evening, with no 
especial claim to his confidence whatever, often 
spoke to me of passages in his career. The sense 
of his own celebrity never seemed to occur to him, 
and he talked about public events with the same 
simplicity with which on ' the course,' in the midst 
of all the fashionables, he would stop and chaffer, 
jokingly, about the price of tupsee much, as the 
vendors of the renowned ' mango fish ' brought it 
along fresh from the river. 

" But it was not in the carriage, but at the house, 
and before several people, including the gaunt, talk- 


ative Chisholm Anstey, who was visiting Calcutta, 
that Outram began to speak of having postponed 
taking charge from Havelock till the Bailey-guard 
was reached. ' It was a foolish thing,' he said ; 
' sentiment had obscured duty. Every man should 
carry out the task assigned to him. I do not know 
that I could not have got through the streets of 
Lucknow with less loss of life. At any rate, I 
ought to have tried what I could do.' This plainly- 
expressed regret seemed to me to do his character 
as much credit as the mistaken but noble impulse 
which called it forth." ^ 

In March 1860 a farewell dinner was given by 
the Royal Engineers to Colonel Eobert Napier, 
who had just been appointed to command a divi- 
sion in the army destined for service in China 
under the leadership of General Sir Hope Grant. 
Among the leading speakers on this occasion was 
Sir James Outram, who paid a hearty tribute to 
the worth of his old friend and comrade, the guest 
of the evening. He went so far as to say that, 
"when under the difficult circumstances in which 
they were placed his heart sometimes failed him, 
he invariably found Napier prepared with a means 
of getting over the difficulty, and he always left 
him reassured and established." 

Napier on his side frankly acknowledged "his 
obligations to Outram's example and Outram's 
teaching." Referring modestly to the high com- 
pliments which his friend had paid him, he pro- 
tested that " he would have been dull indeed if 
he had derived no profit from his intimate relations 
with such a distinguished soldier." ^ 

1 Daily Life during the Mutiny. ' Goldsmid. 


It is pleasant, by the way, to note the terms 
in which Outram on this occasion referred to his 
old commander Sir Charles Napier ; dwelling on 
" the respect and esteem he had always entertained 
for him from first to last ; how convinced he was that 
the difi'erences which had arisen arose solely from 
the indiscretion of partisans who came between." 

In all the arrangements for the Chinese expedi- 
tion Outram had borne so strenuous a part that 
much of its ultimate success was due to his keen 
foresight and comprehensive mastery of details. 
But his many labours for the public weal in that 
exhausting climate told so seriously upon his health 
that he found himself compelled, in the latter part 
of April 1860, to take a voyage as far as Singapur. 
" He has had that nasty bronchitic attack hanging 
about him," wrote Dr Fayrer to Lady Outram, " and 
lately it has been rather worse than better, so he 
has admitted the advantage of going away, and 
I feel satisfied that it will do him all the good 
in the world, enable him to return to Calcutta and 
serve out the remainder of the time, . . . and 
enable him also to retire in good health."^ The 
two months' trip, however, had done him so little 
good that nothing remained for him but his im- 
mediate return home. 

On July 14 a great public meeting was held in 
Calcutta to consider what sort of testimonial could 
best be offered by his grateful countrymen to their 
departing hero. Of the four resolutions then passed, 
one embodied an address recounting in eloquent 
terms a long list of services which Outram had 
rendered his country during more than forty years. 

» Outram MSS. 


" But, Sir," the address concluded, " it is not as 
the successful General, nor as the trusted States- 
man, that you will be best remembered by us, 
who have mixed with the companions of your toils 
and triumphs, and who, some of us, have had the 
honour to serve with and under you. 

"It is as a man whom no success could harden 
or render selfish, who could surrender to an heroic 
comrade the honour of success which fortune had 
placed within his own grasp, who in the excite- 
ment of battle and in the midst of triumph never 
forgot the claims and wants of the humblest of 
his followers, who loved his fellow-soldiers better 
than his own fame and aggrandisement, and has 
devoted himself with his whole heart to improve 
the soldiers' moral and intellectual as w^ell as 
physical condition, — it is as one who would not 
only sacrifice life and fortune to duty, but who 
never allowed either fear or favour to weigh for 
a moment against what his heart told him was 
right and true ; — it is as our noble, disinterested 
fellow - countryman, who has preserved all his 
chivalry of feeling unchilled through the wear 
and tear of a laborious life, and who will ever be 
remembered as emphatically ' the soldier's friend,' 
that we would wish to testify our admiration and 
affectionate respect, and to preserve the memory 
of your career as an example to ourselves and to 
those who come after us." ^ 

The address was duly presented to Sir James 
Outram, together with a copy of another resolu- 
tion voting him a testimonial in the form most 
agreeable to himself. 

^ Outram Papers. 


On July 18, two clays before his own departure, 
Outram replied to the address in words that strove 
to express the fulness of a warm and generous 
heart. After duly acknowledging the honour thus 
conferred upon him by the unanimous vote of all 
classes " of the large community of Calcutta," he 
went on to assure his kind friends that he was 
"quite unconscious of having done anything to 
deserve the distinguished honour. I am not sensible 
of having done more than my duty in the various 
public situations which I have had the honour to 
hold. To few, perhaps, have the opportunities been 
accorded which I have had the good fortune to 
enjoy, and if I have been able to improve those 
opportunities, and to obtain some measure of suc- 
cess, I owe it, under Providence, to a great extent, 
to the assistance and co-operation of the many 
able and gallant comrades with whom I have had 
the happiness of being associated in the discharge 
of my public duties, and it is very gratifying to 
me to think that the honours bestowed upon me 
will be reflected upon them." 

With regard to the proffered testimonial, he 
avowed his "earnest desire" that only a small 
portion of the fund subscribed " should be ex- 
pended on any object of a personal character, 
. . . and that the greater part of the money 
should be devoted to establishing an institution 
at any place that the committee appointed at the 
meeting may think proper to select, whereby the 
army in which my lot in life has been cast may 
benefit."^ Sir F. Goldsmid tells us that in one 
day alone the subscription list in Calcutta amounted 

' Outi-am Papers. 


to no less than 10,000 rupees, then equivalent to 
£1000 sterling. 

In the last two years Outram had expended 
more than £1000 in providing readable books, 
newspapers, and games for the use of those who 
had shared his Oudh campaigns ; and before leav- 
ing Calcutta he made over some 500 of his own 
books to the Soldier's Library at Fort William. 
Among the few which he carried home with 
him were ' Froissart's Chronicles ' and ' Life of 

On the eve of his last journey home ' The Friend 
of India ' wrote : " To-morrow the Indian army 
will lose its brightest ornament, and every soldier 
of India his best friend. Worn out by the almost 
continuous service of forty years, having stuck to 
his post just one hot season too many. Sir James 
Outram leaves India, nominally for six months, but 
we believe for ever." 



JULY 1860-MARCH 25, 1863. 

On July 20, 18G0, our Indian Bayard embarked for 
Suez on his way home. " I fear," he wrote from 
Aden to Dr Fayrer, " my friends may have thought 
me insensible to the kindly cheer they gave me on 
leaving Garden Reach. The truth was I was too 
sensible and was quite overpowered by it." 

In the same letter he assures his friend that the 
voyage to Aden " has almost entirely restored me — I 
have had no cough for days, and my arm is almost 
restored to its usual flexibility." He still hoped 
to "make out the Danube trip," but would decide 
nothing until he reached Suez. At Madras Sir 
Patrick Grant, then Commander - in - Chief of the 
Southern Presidency, came off to see him ; and the 
Governor, Sir Henry Ward, "wrote to say he was 
coming, but his duties prevented him, being alarmed 
by a carbuncle which had made its appearance." ^ 

The heat in Egypt tried him so severely, that he 
wrote on August 18 from Alexandria, " It would be 
madness to attempt the Constantinople route, so I 
have resolved on going by Marseilles." He writes 
from the Oriental Club to announce his arrival in 

1 Outrani MSS. 


England, after a fatiguing journey of twenty hours 
from Marseilles to Paris, and ten more from Paris to 
London. He was still so much of an invalid that 
instead of proceeding, as he had fondly hoped, to 
his mother's home in Scotland, he returned to his 
old quarters at Brighton, Thither also came Lady 
Outram, who would gladly have met him in Egypt 
but for his express injunctions to the contrary. 
"She was much shocked," says his biographer, "by 
the change the nine months had wrought ; for when 
he had bade farewell to her at the mouth of the 
Hugli, he was looking remarkably well, and now 
she found him utterly broken down, and in a most 
critical state of health. 

Returning to London in October, he was invited 
to a public function at the Guildhall, for the purpose 
of receiving the freedom of the city and the sword 
of honour which had been awarded him two years 
before. In spite of his weak health, and the earnest 
dissuasions of his family, he resolved to go through 
the needful formalities at any cost. The civic 
authorities for their part did all they could to 
render the ceremony as little fatiguing as possible. 
The Lord Mayor begged him to remain seated when 
he would have risen to return thanks for the honour 
conferred upon him. The few words which Out- 
ram spoke on this occasion, amidst the cheers of a 
crowded gathering, were devoted to the praise of 
Lord Clyde, — the Sir Colin Campbell of former 
days, — "for whom he felt all the aflfectionate de- 
votion of a Highland clansman for his chief." 

The ceremony took place on December 26. It 
was followed by a banquet given the same evening 
in honour of Lord Clyde and Sir James Outram. 


In a letter expressing deep regret at his utter in- 
ability to attend the banquet, Outram never touched 
upon himself or his own doings, but descanted in 
generous terms upon the merits of Lord Canning 
and his Indian policy. A few days earlier he had 
been compelled, for like reasons, to decline attend- 
ing a banquet given by the Merchant Taylors' Com- 
pany in honour of Lord Clyde and himself ; nor was 
he able to name a day for his formal admission to 
the Grocers' Company. 

In March 1861 an influential meeting was held in 
London to raise funds for a grand testimonial to the 
hero, whom all men delighted to honour. Lord 
Lyveden — the Vernon Smith of an earlier day — 
took the chair in the unavoidable absence of the 
Duke of Argyll. Around him sat a distinguished 
group of noblemen and gentlemen, and among the 
speakers were Lord Keane, Sir James Fergusson, 
Lord Kinnaird, Lord Shaftesbury, Sir Henry Raw- 
linson. Colonel Sykes, Sir Robert Hamilton, and Dr 
Burnes. The testimonial was to take the shape, 
first, of a statue in London itself; secondly, of an 
equestrian statue in Calcutta ; and thirdly, of a silver 
dessert service of the value of £1000, together with 
an illuminated address bearing the names of more 
than 1800 subscribers to the testimonial. 

The Calcutta and London committees worked in 
zealous concert for a common end. In due time 
Noble's statue, bearing the single word Outram, 
adorned the Thames embankment near Charing 
Cross ; but it was several years before Foley's 
masterpiece of equestrian sculpture got itself erected 
on the Calcutta Maidan, an excellent cast of which 
may still be seen at the Crystal Palace. 


On July 26 he is writing once more from Brighton 
to Dr Fayrer : " Not yet well, but very much better, 
and the doctors say next winter in Egypt will quite 
set me up. . . . My wife also has been benefited by 
the Homburg waters, but is far from strong. I 
wish her to pass the winter at Nice, which the 
doctors think the best for liver complaint, which 
she has ; Egypt would not do for her." 

His handwriting at this time was sadly shaken. 
" I have only lately begun to write again," he says 
in the same letter, "and the practice seems quite 
strange."^ In October 1861 Outram found himself 
once more in Egypt. "Unfortunately," writes Dr 
Badger, "health was the thing which he least 
attended to, and, after spending the winter there, 
returned to England vid Corfu and Vienna — some- 
what improved, perhaps, but still very weak. . . . 
While at Cairo he was cheered by seeing many of 
his old friends going to or returning from India; 
and it always afforded him the highest gratification 
to recognise among the passengers some he had 
known in former years." 

Twice also did the Prince of Wales dismount 
from his donkey to speak with the broken veteran 
in front of Shepheard's Hotel. At Alexandria in 
the spring of 1862 he met Lord Canning, who was 
then returning home, a heart-broken widower, to 
die a few weeks later at his house in Grosvenor 
Square. Before the end of June the late Viceroy's 
remains were interred in Westminster Abbey. Con- 
spicuous among those who attended the funeral 
" walked Lord Clyde, supporting on his arm the 
bowed form of the gallant Outram."^ 

1 Outram MSS. 2 j^i^j^ 3 Times, June 23, 1882. 


Earlier in the same montli Outram was at Oxford 
receiving his degree of D.C.L., in the Sheldonian 
Theatre, amidst the deafening plaudits of all who 
witnessed the ceremony. On this occasion a similar 
degree was conferred upon Lord Palmerston. Dr 
Badger tells us that " Outram had been requested 
to come wearing all his decorations ; but seeing the 
Premier without any, he remarked, ' My Lord, the 
contrast makes me look like a brass captain.' ' You 
have won yours nobly,' replied Lord Palmerston, a 
remark which gratified Outram exceedingly, and 
which he frequently repeated in token of the 
Premier's kindliness." 

A like honour had been proposed to him some 
time before by the University of Cambridge, but 
Outram was then too ill to appear in person. 

Li July a deputation of friends and admirers, 
headed by the Duke of Argyll, waited upon Out- 
ram at his own house in Queen's Gate Gardens to 
present him with the address already mentioned, 
and wdtli a choice set of silver centre-pieces sup- 
ported upon figures emblematic of his own career. 
" The names enrolled on this address," said his 
Grace of Argyll, " are those of men of different 
classes and different countries, many of whom, 
knowing you only by the achievements which you 
have bequeathed to history, admire your heroism 
and chivalry from a distance ; while others, who 
have enjoyed the privilege of more intimate rela- 
tions with you, and have closely observed the 
simplicity, the gentleness, and the manliness of 
your character, blend with a still higher admiration 
the most affectionate feelings of personal regard." 

"To what length," wrote Kaye, "the parchment 

Sir James Outram, 














Born, 29tb January 1803 ; 
Died, nth March 1863. 




'.' s' , 



1 \.. 

>• : but seeing tb<' 
Lord, the 

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"The names enrollea on mi:: ■•ires:. .ib 

C> ".TaA3 ^^HS'allO HQAYAa 3HT" ,jt 

knowing VOU oiiP^^'^'^V'VX^S. ,ano8 ^.^ 

hav( ! to history, ii 

and iio 

have _ _ 

with you. and <',rved the 

7, the of 

I'O what le: VaMom 



bearing those names might have been rolled out 
could only be dimly conjectured, for it had stretched 
itself over the floor of a room of no small dimen- 
sions without sensibly diminishing the bulk of the 
scroll, and there were those who proposed laugh- 
ingly to adjourn, for more fitting space, to the 
neighbouring Exhibition building." ^ 

" I thank you from the bottom of my heart," 
was Outram's answer ; " I thank all, whether pres- 
ent or absent, in England or in India, who have 
united to render me this great honour. I cannot 
venture to think that I have done all that you say 
of me ; but I know that, with such powers as God 
has given me, I have honestly tried to do it. 

" I was reared under a system which gave to 
every man an equal chance of going to the front ; 
and I owe it to that system that I am now standing 
before you — less, I cannot help thinking, on account 
of my individual deserts than as the representa- 
tive of the great service, now passed into a tradi- 
tion, to which for forty years I had the honour to 
belong. If to anything in myself I owe such suc- 
cess as I may have attained, it is mainly to this — 
that throughout my career I have loved the people 
of India, regarded their country as my home, and 
made their weal my first object. And though my 
last service in the field was against the comrades 
of my old associates, the madness of a moment has 
not obliterated from my mind the fidelity of a 
century, and I can still love and still believe. I 
thank you again for your great kindness. The 
memory of it will go with me to my grave." ^ 

One more honour he was debarred by the rules 

^ Cornhill Magazine, May 1863. 2 Times, July 5, 1862. 



of the service from receiving. Sir William Mans- 
field, then Commander-in-Chief at Bomba}^, had 
suffjrested that Lieutenant-General Sir James Out- 
ram, as " incomparably the most distinguished 
general officer on the rolls of the Bombay Army," 
should be appointed to the colonelcy of one of the 
new line regiments, the 106th. But the fact of 
his never having reached the regimental rank of 
colonel was not to be set aside in favour even of 
worth so clearly pre-eminent. 

On August 29 he writes from Brighton to the 
dear old mother, whom ever since his last farewell 
to India he had been hoping to visit once more in 
her Scottish home. After telling her how his health 
would compel him to winter abroad, " I fully hope," 
he added, "you may, through God's mercy, be 
spared yet long after my return, when I trust to be 
sufficiently restored to visit you in Edinburgh. . . . 
I feel that Scotland would be too much for me at 

"The last two years of his life were," in the 
words of a near relative, " but a prolonged struggle 
with suffering." He had bought a house in Queen's 
Gate Gardens, " but his asthma kept him so much 
on the move that he enjoyed little more than a few 
weeks of occasional residence in it. The stimulus of 
a congenial friend or of cheery young people would, 
however, now and then revive him a little, when 
something of his former self would pleasantly flash 
out. Youngsters had always been favourites with 
him, and he was never seen to more advantage than 
when entering thoroughly into their interests, tell- 
ing them of his hunting days, or indulging in the 
good-humoured badinage to which he was prone. 


His quaint humour, his keen sense of the ludicrous, 
his merry glance, added to the effect of his well-told 
and well-timed anecdotes ; and he had a peculiar 
way of looking up and laughing with his eyes which 
gave irresistible point to his shrewd comments or 
sly remarks. 

"His taste was good, indeed apt to be fastidious, 
and he greatly appreciated music of a touching 
character. Sacred music, always his preference, was 
an especial solace to him now. Books were still a 
means of whiling away an hour or two, but reading 
was no longer the resource it had been. Imperial 
politics — home, foreign, or Anglo-Indian — continued 
to occupy his thoughts to the last. Of party in- 
trigues he had seen more than enough, and preferred 
to judge men and measures from his own point of 
view. Brag, bluster, or insincerity in any shape 
were an abomination to him, and he was most 
averse to persons professing infidel views. But he 
was tolerant of divergent opinions generally, if only 
he were convinced of the sincerity of those who 
advanced them. No one more readily appreciated 
sterling worth in any sphere of life. 

" The irritability induced by illness and the 
' trouble ' he gave as an invalid much distressed 
him. He bought a repeater on purpose not to 
disturb his servant by asking the time during the 
weary hours of his long night, and whenever he 
heard of any sight or amusement within reach he was 
anxious to send his attendants, no matter at what 
inconvenience to himself. One of these was a gentle 
Indo - Portuguese, whom he might well esteem 
highly. Another was a poor band -boy who had 
been found chained up a prisoner in Lucknow. 


Though the son of European parents, his sallow 
complexion and his usefulness to the rebels as a 
translator of English saved him from death ; and 
except as regarded close confinement, short com- 
mons, jeers and scoffs, he did not complain much of 
his treatment by them. 

"Sir James was chivalrously loyal, and the in- 
ability to attend any levee, in consequence of his 
infirm state of health, grieved him, lest his absence 
should be misconstrued. Honours crowded upon 
him, and he was gratified by the genuine respect 
and considerate attention he met with wherever he 
went. But what most pleased him were the kind- 
nesses proffered by strangers of all ranks in recogni- 
tion of what he had done for some loved one. He 
felt such attentions particularly when they were the 
expressions of the gratitude of aged parents in 
recollection of some dear boy who had fought and 
died under his command. Few men had enjoyed so 
many opportunities of befriending others, and it 
may perhaps be added that few had availed them- 
selves of such opportunities more constantly. Of 
this his invalid days reaped the comforting fruit." ^ 

In the autumn of 1862 Sir James once more left 
his London home to pass the coming winter in the 
milder climate of Southern Europe. In company 
with his wife he remained some weeks in Paris before 
proceeding to Nice. Here, in spite of his broken 
health, " he employed himself," says Sir F. Goldsmid, 
*' in earnest endeavours to advance the claims of such 
of his friends as he felt were worthy of his help, and 
might soon miss his powerful advocacy." 

On Christmas morning he was able for the last 

^ Goldsmid. 


time to attend the early communion service. But 
the cold winds of Nice developed symptoms so 
alarming that in February 1863 his medical advisers 
ordered him to Pau. In spite of careful nursing on 
Lady Outram's part, his sufferings on the journey 
thither seemed to wear out the last remnants of his 
vital strength. At Pau Dr Duncan Macpherson of 
the Madras Army at once placed his services at the 
disposal of the dying hero. They were gratefully 
accepted, and he remained in close attendance upon 
him to the last. " My gallant patient," he wrote to 
'The Lancet,' "was in a hopeless state when he 
reached Pau. The cold winds of Nice had excited a 
fresh attack of bronchitis ; and during the last eight 
days of his life he was unable to lie down even for a 
few minutes. 

"Weak as he was, he spoke often of the depressed 
position of army medical officers, regretting that 
so little success had attended his efforts to obtain 
a due recognition of their services ; adding, with 
emphasis, ' The day must come when your services 
will be recognised. Another great war will end 
this long controversy in your favour.' Such were 
the dying words of this good and gallant soldier." 

At one o'clock on the morning of March 11, 1863, 
the Bayard of India passed away, " sitting in his 
arm-chair, without a struggle — his face unmoved — 
his hands resting as if in sleep. His face had lost 
much of the suffering look of his later years : his 
head was slightly bent forward and looked very 
noble." ^ His last moments were cheered by the 
presence of his wife and son, — the latter having 
arrived on the previous afternoon from the death- 

^ Goldsmid. 


bed of Mrs Outram, whose long life had been 
brought to a timely close a few days only before 
the death of him who had been the pride and main- 
stay of her declining years. 

A fortnight later, on March 25, 1863, "crowds 
were flocking," writes Sir John Kaye, " to West- 
minster Abbey to see Outram's remains laid in the 
grave of the great burial-place of the mighty dead. 
The Government, which he had served so long and 
so devotedly, gave him a public funeral, and so 
great was the veneration in which he had been held 
that people came from a distance to pay him the 
last honours, and hundreds sought admittance to 
the Abbey, to whom it was of necessity reluctantly 
refused. It was a solemn and a touching scene." 

Besides other Ministers of the Crown, " that 
particular department of the State," in the words of 
the same writer, '* under which he had served, went 
forth in a body to the Abbey from its neighbouring 
domicile — Secretary of State, Under-Secretaries of 
State, Members of Council, Secretaries of Depart- 
ments, and others of less rank, but with like 
instincts of admiration for the great man, the 
history of whose deeds was scattered over the bulky 
records in their charge." ^ 

Conspicuous among the mourners stood the 
soldierlike figure of the veteran Lord Clyde, who 
bowed his grey head in manifest sorrow as he laid 
his wreath upon the bier. There also stood Sir 
John Lawrence, the saviour of North-Western India, 
and ere lonoj the destined successor to the Indian 
Viceroyalty. Among others there present might 
be seen the Duke of Argyll, the Earls of Dalhousie 

^ Cornhill Magazine, May 1863. 


and Shaftesbury, Lords Chelmsford, Lyveden, and 
Harris, Sir George Clerk, Sir Henry Rawlinson, 
Outram's comrade in the Afghan war, the second 
Lord Keane, and a crowd of the personal friends 
whom the dead hero had gathered round him in the 
long years of his Indian service. 

"But more noticeable," says Kaye, "even than 
great statesmen and high officers of Government, 
more noticeable by the living and more honouring 
to the dead, w^as a little group of soldiers, in the 
Highland uniform, who stood by the hero's grave, 
stirred to the very depths of their hearts by rever- 
ence and affection. They were a party of sergeants 
of the 78th Regiment who had solicited and 
obtained leave to come down from a distance that 
they might pay, on behalf of their regiment, the 
last honours to one by whom it was their privilege 
to have been led to battle and to conquest. The 
78th Highlanders knew Outram well. There were 
some men still in the regiment who twenty years 
before had served in the dreary furnace of Sindh ; 
but it was on the great battlefield of Oudh that 
they had learnt to love and to honour a leader who 
was ever as mindful of their interests as he was 
regardless of his own ; who was as tender towards 
and as careful of his men as though they were his 
children ; who never sacrificed a life except to the 
stern necessity of the fight." This party of faithful 
Highlanders consisted of four officers and twenty 
sergeants or corporals, who had come up of their 
own accord from Shorncliffe to pay the last honours 
to the great soldier, whose persistent kindliness had 
won their undying love.^ 

1 Cornhill Magazine ; Goldsmid. 


On the morning of the 25th they had called at 
the house where Outram's body lay, in hopes of 
being allowed to carry it to its last resting-place. 
But the weight of the coffin and the distance to be 
traversed compelled the reluctant refusal of their 
request. But they marched beside the hearse, filed 
through the Abbey on either side of the coffin, and 
saw it lowered into the grave. 

Nearly in the centre of the lofty nave lie the 
remains of James Outram, beside those of Lord 
Canning, and of Lord Clyde, w^ho was to survive 
him only by a few months. Outram's grave is 
marked by a marble slab, bearing the words sug- 
gested by Dean Stanley, " The Bayard of Lidia." 
Over the doorway on the south side of the nave is 
Noble's bust of the dead warrior, erected by the 
Minister for India, Sir Charles Wood, and the 
members of his Council. The inscription, worded 
by the Political Secretary, Sir John Kaye, reveres 
the memory of "A soldier of the East India Com- 
pany, who during a service of forty years in war 
and in council, by deeds of bravery and devotion, 
by an unselfish life, by benevolence never weary 
of welldoing, sustained the honour of the British 
nation, won the love of his comrades, and promoted 
the happiness of the people of India." 

From the newspaper press of England and India 
arose a general chorus of regretful homage to the 
memory of the large-hearted, upright, clear-headed 
leader, who had made his way by sheer force of 
character into the front rank of England's douo-htiest 
and noblest sons ; of men, for instance, like Philip 
Sydney, Wolfe, and Nelson. " James Outram," 
wrote ' The Times,' " was an illustration of what 


can be done by a strong-minded, truth -loving, 
honest, and valiant nature in such an arena as 
India affords. Because he had neither rank nor 
fortune, he stood in that press of self-reliant men 
from which the hand of patron or politician could 
pluck no favourite. He took his place among his 
peers in the race when there was a fair field and no 
favour, and he came to the front and bore himself 
so well that his distanced rivals echoed the applause 
which greeted the winner. . . . 

" Truly was he told in the address which was 
voted to him by his countrymen at home, ' By men 
of your stamp was our Indian Empire won ; by men 
of your stamp must it be preserved,' — by men as 
honest, as single-minded, as chivalrous, as humane, 
with as much love for the people of the country, 
as much pride in an Indian career, and as little 
thought of self as James Outram." 

" No lips wiU open," says * The Times of India,' 
" to speak of the deceased but in terms of regret, 
respect, love, and admiration. James Outram was 
a man of whom any army, any government, any 
nation might be proud. He was one of those few, 
in high place, whose claims to be considered a 
master-mind men never paused to analyse. They 
knew he would do no wrong, and was ever desirous 
to do good, and that sufficed. And much good has 
he left behind him. . . . He was brave as the best 
of olden knights, lovable as best of olden priors." 

" A fox is a fool and a lion a coward compared 
with James Outram," was a common saying among 
his countrymen in Bombay, — a saying which ex- 
pressed in the neatest of epigrams the essential 
qualities of a mighty hunter and a great military 


chief. Of Outram's military genius we have had 
abundant proofs. As the writer of an excellent 
memoir in the ' Dictionary of National Biography ' 
has truly said, " Outram was a good soldier and 
a skilful diplomatist. Filled with ambition, he 
was nevertheless most unselfish. Possessed of great 
courage, a strong individuality, a warm temper, 
untiring energy, and good physique, he was kind- 
hearted, modest, and chivalrous." In speech he 
"was hesitating until he warmed to a subject, when 
he could speak forcibly. An idea too often got 
complete command of him, and it was then difficult 
for him to see the other side of a question. He 
had a strong feeling of personal responsibility. He 
quickly saw and rewarded merit in young men." 

" The more his life is studied in its details," said 
the late head-master of Harrow, Dr Montagu Butler, 
"the more it will be found how habitually he made 
a practice of esteeming others better than himself, 
of looking less at his own things and more at the 
things of others." 

" There were men of hiofher rank than James 


Outram," wrote his old friend Sir John Kaye, "men 
who had commanded greater armies, and who had 
governed more extensive territories. There was 
no one great event, changing the destinies of em- 
pires, to which he could point as peculiarly his 
own. His career was without a Waterloo. But 
a life of sustained devotion to the public service, 
a life made beautiful by repeated acts of heroism 
and chivalry, a life of stainless truth and unsullied 
honour, made England echo back the praises which 
pealed across the Eastern seas." ^ 

^ Cornhill Magazine, May 1863. 


" I never knew one," wrote his old admirer Sir 
George Clerk in 1880, " who combined with thorough 
sterling character and soldierly qualities so much of 
single-mindedness and modesty ; and heaps of ex- 
perience have come in my way, too, during a long 
and busy public life." 

The inscription carved on the monument in the 
Calcutta Maidan was a somewhat curtailed version 
of that prepared by another ornament of the Com- 
pany's service, the late Sir Henry Yule. With a 
full copy of the original text this chapter may fitly 
close : — 

" His life was given to India : in early manhood 
he reclaimed wild races by winning their hearts : 
Ghazni, Khelat, the Indian Caucasus, witnessed the 
daring deeds of his prime : Persia brought to sue 
for peace ; Lucknow relieved, defended, and re- 
covered, were fields of his later glories. Many wise 
rulers, many valiant captains, hath his country sent 
hither ; but never any loved as this man was by 
those whom they governed or led on to battle ! 
Faithful servant of England : large - minded and 
kindly ruler of her subjects : doing nought through 
vainglory, but ' ever esteeming others better than 
himself : valiant, incorrupt, self-denying, magnani- 
mous, in all the true knight ! " 

" If an opponent once styled him the Bayard of 
India, they who set up this Memorial may well 
lack words to utter all their loving admiration 1 " 



The following "Rough Notes," forwarded to Sir Francis 
Outram iu 1865 by Colonel W. Morris of the Bombay Army, 
came under my notice too late for insertion in their proper 

Bough Notes from April 1833 to February 1835. 

" It would be difficult to select an individual better en- 
titled to the enduring remembrance of all who knew him 
than Sir James Outram. He was a brave indomitable 
soldier, a true friend, and one to be thoroughly relied on, 
and no one understood better than he the true spirit which 
ought to animate a soldier and the moral energy which has 
so material an influence on the issues of war. It was in 
the summer of 1833 that Captain Outram went (for the 
first time, I believe) into the Satpura mountains on service, 
and just as he was entering a deep gorge was heard to say 
to himself, ' Well, here we enter these strong fastnesses, and 
I return alive only if successful ; I never will quit these 
Bhil chiefs until they are subdued,' thus showing his deter- 
minate will and full resolution to gain his object or perish. 
Having succeeded in all his operations, he was encamped 
near the strong fort of Sindwa, the walls of which were in 
many places 60 feet high : he had been bathing in a tank, 
close under the walls, when he resolved to jump off' the 
wall into the tank, and taking with him an umbrella to act 
as a parachute, made his leap ; but he soon found that he 
had trusted to too frail a support, for on jumping from the 


wall his weight and the rapidity of his descent caused the 
umbrella to collapse, and be came down a fearful crash. 
He was, however, only slightly stunned, and came to the 
surface after being some time submerged. This shows the 
sort of man Sir James was. 

" Again, on one occasion he, accompanied by a party of 
his own Bhils, went after a cheetah on the Nandurbar Hills. 
The animal, on being found, took refuge in a large cave 
situated on the side of a hill too steep for human foot to 
descend. The Bhils were at a loss what to do, but Outram 
was not to be balked. He desired the Bhils to take off 
their pugrees and to tie them together, and then having 
fastened one end round his waist, told the astonished fol- 
lowers to lower him to the cave, where he succeeded in 
killing the cheetah. 

" On another occasion, at a tiger hunt, the animal having 
been wounded, went down into a large earth and could not 
be dislodged. Outram descended from his elephant, and, 
spear in hand, sat down at the entrance intending to pin 
the animal as it came out, which at length it did, and Out- 
ram, driving the spear as he thought through its neck, was 
surprised to see the tiger dash the spear aside as if it were 
a reed and bound away unhurt. 

" Sir James was sincere and hearty in his friendship, 
jovial, and full of fun and anecdote. On duty he was stern, 
and thoroughly determined to have his orders carried out. 
He was a great friend to the natives of India, and beloved 
by them, as is proved by his success in taming the wild 
Bhils. He was a lover of justice, and would even write in 
the newspapers, if by doing so he could benefit a native 
who he thought deserved it. He liked an independent 
spirit in man or animal. He admired a particular dog 
because he never would wag his tail to any one but his 
master; and would often caress this animal more for his 
independent feeling, as he never would wag his tail to him. 
He was a great rider, and never could bear to be anything 
but leader. Once he was seen out of his saddle and on his 
horse's neck in excitement to gain the first spear. 


" Another instance of Captain Outram's prowess in hunt- 
ing may be mentioned. A tiger, whom the party in pur- 
suit intended to spear instead of shooting, after a run 
through difficult jungle crept into a lair of long reeds. 
Outram at once proposed to follow him, and on hands and 
knees crept through the tiger's lair. Fortunately the tiger, 
hearing his approach, moved off instead of showing fight, 
otherwise in Outram's cramped posture he would have been 
completely in the animal's power. On another occasion, 
while riding after a wild buffalo spear in hand, the animal 
was at length brought to bay, and charged so furiously as 
by his weight completely to upset both horse and rider, 
goring the former severely. 

" Once, when bathing in a tank he heard that one of the 
party had jumped off the top of the bath-house, which was 
two stories high ; he sent for the house-steps and jumped 
from them after placing them on the top of the bath-house. 
Again, in the same tank a young alligator was temporarily 
placed, which was very savage ; Outram was aware of this, 
but he immediately bathed in the tank, defying the alli- 



I AM indebted to my friend Mr E. Jupp of Sunderland for 
the following spirited verses on Outram's advance to the 
Lucknow Eesidency : — 

The Red Lane : Lucknow, 

" On — in God's name advance ! " Up the lane ! onward ! 

Who will not follow when Outram rides first ! 
Forward ! though not e'en the far-famed six hundred 

Through such a tempest of musketry burst. 
From every flap-topped roof where crouch the foe aloof, 

Shielded and sheltered, the live bullets rain, 
Raking our staggering flanks, while the white smoke in 

Broods like a death-shadow o'er the red lane. 

" On — in God's name advance ! " Sections, quick wheeling, 

Eight and left firing each cross-alley sweep : 
Back from our volleys the Bandies are reeling, 

Breaking and scattering like hound-driven sheep. 
Would that the broad claymore now cleared a path before. 

Sword of our sires that ne'er flashed in vain : 
Onward, in order due, march we like clansmen true, 

Forcing a passage grim up the red lane. 

Hark ! in the front now what means that wild cheering ? 

See his bright broadsword the Chief waves in air ; 
Can it be really the goal we are nearing ? — 

" Forward ! Quick ! Double ! " By God, we are there ! 


Back from the Bailey-guard, by the grim cannon barred, 
Haul they the grinning gun with might and main : 

Through the embrasure freed leaps Outram's plunging steed, 
And dim behind us now lies the red lane. 

Eound us they gather in wild gratulation — 

Babes in our arms are clasped, fondled, and pressed ; 
Cheer upon cheer peals of stern exultation : 

God ! be thy succour and mercy confessed. 
No coronach to-day let the shrill bagpipe play, 

Only a triumph-note over the slain : 
Long shall the tale be told, 'mid Scotland's mountains cold. 

How Outram led the Plaids up the red lane. 

Septevihcr 1903. 




The following letter from the son of the first Lord Keane 
deserves quoting at full length : — 

London, March 9, 1861. 

My dear Outram, — I have had very great pleasure in 
receiving your letter from Paris this evening, inasmuch as 
it informs me of the great improvement in your health, 
which all your friends (and they are legion) pray for, and 
trust that you may be restored to us, on your return to 
England, in renewed health and strength. 

You must not thank me (for I don't deserve it) for any 
little trouble I may have had in preparing the late success- 
ful demonstration in Willis's Eooms, — to General Hancock 
and Colonel Holland, especially the former, are your thanks 
due ; for they have both worked like horses, and their 
arrangements have been admirable — although they could 
not help the unavoidable absence of the Duke of Argyll 
and Lord Stanley, to which was nearly added the misfor- 
tune of losing Lord Shaftesbury, who spoke nobly for you, 
as he was summoned the same evening to his dying mother 
at Eichmond. 

I feel I can never repay you the valuable and important 
services you rendered to my poor father and his army 
in Sindh and Afghanistan — services ill requited to you 
by omitting your name in his despatches and orders, 
which had he not done so, would have secured you a 
brevet -majority for Ghazni with S. Powell (and myself 
afterwards), and consequently a lieutenant- colonelcy for 



Khelat ; but I lay the blame on M , for I know he 

(my father) always had the highest regard and opinion 
of you, but was too much influenced by his military secre- 
tary not only in that instance, but in many others. He 
did not consequently appreciate your efforts and services 
as they deserved, or acknowledge the importance of them 
as every one else did. I hope some day to have a talk with 
you on this subject. 

It is not only this feeling that I have alluded to, but old 
friendship, the great regard I feel and have always felt for 
you, added to the transcendant services you have rendered 
to your country, that now prompt me to do my utmost in 
securing from your countrymen that public notice and 
reward that is so justly your due, and which it gives me 
real pleasure and gratification to see so well responded to, 
when they are called upon to render honour where it has 
been so nobly won. 

I shall hope to hear of you and your whereabouts occa- 
sionally from your son. — Believe me, my dear Outram, your 
old and sincere friend, 




The following passages are extracted from the Supplement 
to the ' Home News' of March 19, 1863 :— 

" One of the bravest and most devoted of the East India 
Company's army, Sir James Outram, died at Pan on March 
11, after a long illness. The state of his health since his 
return from India prevented that gallant spirit from enjoy- 
ing the honours and rewards which his grateful country- 
men were eager to press upon him. As modest and gentle 
in his private character as he was firm and dauntless at the 
post of duty, Outram, after forty years of hard work in a 
tropical climate, bore with exemplary patience the sufferings 
which denied him the satisfaction of reposing on his well- 
earned laurels in the evening of his life. 

" The great mass of the people who are proud of our vast 
dominion in the East little know the nature of the tenure 
by which it is held, and the sacrifices by which it has been 
won. Men of vast abilities, of great capacity for business, 
of the highest order of intellect, attain a reputation in the 
world of India without exercising any influence or gaining 
any large position in the mother country which they serve. 
If they sink under the weight of their burdens and their 
toils abroad, a few obituary lines are all they receive at 
home, where an election for a member of Parliament at an 
obscure borough, or the details of a remarkable trial, may 
be at the time engrossing popular attention. If they come 
home, they come home as men who have abandoned a 
career or who are seeking retirement, and their giant pro- 
portions are lost in the crowd. The old traditions concern- 


ing Indian nabobs pursue them here, and they probably 
subside into the moderate position which is assigned to the 
first man in some pleasant watering-place. It is not pos- 
sible to estimate too highly the quality by which a man 
rises to high station in India, where the art of government 
is polished and perfected by the friction of the dangers 
under which it is cultivated, and by the enormous respons- 
ibility and the risks of failure. James Outram was an 
illustration of what can be done by a strong-minded, truth- 
loving, and honest and valiant nature in such an arena as 
India affords. Because he had neither rank nor fortune, 
he stood in that press of self-reliant men from which the 
hand of patron or politician could pluck no favourite. He 
took his place among his peers in the race when there was 
a fair field and no favour, and he came to the front and 
bore himself so well that his distanced rivals echoed the 
applause which greeted the winner. It was but natural that 
he should have been proud of the service in which he won 
such honours, and that he should be jealous of any measure 
which did it wrong. And to the last he was the Indian 
officer to whom the Indian Army was dear, who loved ;ts 
reputation, and resisted any effort to destroy its individu- 
ality. It was he who, more than any other man, opposed 
the amalgamation of the services, and who in an exhaustive 
Minute of singular ability pointed out the practical objec- 
tions to the measure. 

"He visited England in the summer of 1856, and all men 
who saw him then believed that his work was done, so little 
did he resemble the James Outram they had known a few 
years before. But when our rupture with the Court of 
Teheran rendered war inevitable, and orders went to India 
to fit out an expedition for service in Persia, Outram sud- 
denly revived. 

" A new-born strength seemed to have been infused into 
his shattered frame, and when he knew that his aid was 
needed he never doubted for a moment that he was able to 
assume the command which his Government was willing to 
intrust to him. 


" He went, forgetful of his bodily ailments, and the ex- 
citement of active service, like a strong tonic, made him 
more than equal to his work. The campaign was short and 
decisive. All the objects of the expedition were triumph- 
antly attained. In this year Outram was made a K.C.B. 

" Scarcely had he returned from the Persian expedition 
before he found himself called to more serious duty yet in 
India. The Bengal Army had broken out into rebellion, 
and another field of action opened out before Sir James 

"In July 1857 Outram landed at Bombay, telegraphed 
to Calcutta, found that he was wanted there, and proceeded 
onwards to receive Lord Canning's instructions. 'The 
intense admiration,' he recorded more than two years after- 
wards in an official minute, ' with which I regarded Lord 
Elphinstone's bold demeanour and noble self-abnegation 
under such trying circumstances when I parted from his 
Lordship in July 1857 was only equal, for it could not be 
surpassed, even by that with which, on my arrival a fort- 
night afterwards in Calcutta, I was then inspired by the 
calm dignity, confidence, and determination with which the 
Governor-General himself was braving the storm which by 
that time was raging in its utmost fury.' 

" With Lord Canning, the Governor-General, Outram had 
a serious misunderstanding regarding the policy pursued by 
his Lordship towards the talukdars of Oudh. Lord Can- 
ning's so-called confiscation measure, dated from Allahabad, 
caused a perfect storm of disapproval in England, and the 
fact becoming known that the Chief Commissioner in Oudh 
strongly disapproved of it, made most people instinctively 
feel that Lord Canning had made a mistake. But Outram's 
calm and waiting remonstrance bore the stamp of truthful- 
ness and responsibility ; he showed plainly that if the 
scheme were carried out, it would be one of general con- 
fiscation, which must end in another rebellion. The taluk- 
dars had been unjustly treated, he said, under the settle- 
ment operation ; they did not revolt till the last moment, 
and they might fairly be regarded as honourable enemies, 


against whom it was monstrous to engage in ' a guerilla war 
of extirpation.' The scheme was modified, but Sir James 
Outran! did not approve of it, and left for Calcutta because 
he could not carry out a policy so repugnant to the feelings 
of one who, a poor man, had refused to touch money derived 
from the conquest of those whom he regarded as oppressively 
treated. It is due to his wisdom and knowledge of the 
country to say that the modifications he introduced into the 
policy indicated by the measure were justified in the sub- 
sequent dealings of the Government of India with the 
leaders of the disaffected. 

" He went down to Calcutta and took his seat as a Mem- 
ber of the Supreme Council of India ; but desk- work of any 
kind never suited him, and the climate of Bengal soon 
began to ravage his constitution. He took immense interest 
in his work, especially in all questions affecting the interest 
of the old Indian Army in which he had been bred ; and 
his minutes on the subject of reorganisation show how 
great was his concern for the welfare of his comrades, and 
how resolute he was to speak out the unvarnished truth. 

" But the harness which braced him up was now off his 
back, and the trumpet-sound no longer stirred his spirit. 
He sank under the burden of peace, turned his face home- 
wards, and appeared among us feeble and exhausted, to 
receive from men of all ranks and all callings the homage 
of an admiring welcome. The communities of India had 
voted him a statue, had founded an institution to his 
honour, and had presented him with other commemorative 

"His admirers in England followed their example, and a 
characteristic statue by one of the first of our English 
sculptors now waits a befitting site in the metropolis of 
the Empire. 

" But while in a grateful and humble spirit he was re- 
ceiving the applause of his countrymen, he was fast fading 
away from their sight. He spent the winter of 1861-62 
in the mild dry climate of Egypt, and he returned some- 
what benefited by the change. But the favourable symp- 


toms which had manifested themselves were transitory. 
His health was so shattered that it was wonderful how he 
bore the voyage to his native shore. Honours awaited him 
at all points, but he could enjoy them little. He was 
presented with the freedom of the city of London in the 
form of a sword worth one hundred guineas, on the 20th 
December 1860, according to a vote of the Corporation of 
October 7, 1858. He was very feeble, and suffered severely 
during the proceedings. The vote stated that the present 
was made to Sir James Outram ' in testimony of the signal 
services rendered by him in suppressing mutiny and re- 
bellion in the East Indies, and in admiration of his high 
personal and public character, exemplified through a long 
period of military service in the East as a brave, skilful, 
and patriotic soldier.' 

" On the creation of the Order of the Star of India, Sir 
James Outram was enrolled as one of its first and not least 
distinguished members, and was pressed to become one of 
the [Home] Indian Council ; but his health was too far 
gone for any more work. 

" In July 1862 Sir James Outram received the honorary 
degree of D.C.L. from the University of Oxford at the 
grand commemoration in company with Lord Palmerston, 
Sir Eoundell Palmer, Sir E. W. Head, and others. He was 
designated by Dr Twiss ' Dux fortissimus,' and was warmly 
praised for his various services ; but it was painful to see 
the effort which the ceremony caused the gallant veteran, 
who had to be lifted up to the doctors' seats amid a per- 
fect storm of sympathetic cheering from all the theatre. 
From that day he gradually sank under his illness. He 
quitted England again for the last time, and though his 
friends were hopeful that still for some years he might be 
spared to them, and though he himself often talked of again 
serving his country, disease had taken fast hold of him, and 
he went abroad only to die. 

" Sir James Outram did many great things in his time, 
and he had many great qualities. But he desired nothing 
so much as to be regarded as a fair specimen of a ' Com- 

312 thp: bayard of india. 

pany's officer.' He often said that there were many better 
men in the army to which he was proud of belonging, and 
that they would have done better than himself had they 
enjoyed equal opportunities. In this his humility exceeded 
the truth. For, without any one pre-eminent quality, he 
had a combination of many qualities which precisely fitted 
him for the work which lay before him ; and many abler 
men would have failed to do what he accomplished by his 
robust energy and his devotion to the public service. Truly 
was he told in the address which was voted to him by his 
countrymen at home, * By men of your stamp was our 
Indian Empire won ; by men of your stamp must it be 

" The Dean of Westminster has acceded to the wishes of 
Sir James Outram's friends that the remains of this dis- 
tinguished soldier should be interred in Westminster 


It is pleasant to learn that the regiment once known as 
the 23rd Bombay N.I. is henceforth to figure in the Indian 
Army as the 123rd, or Outram's liitles. 


Aberdeen, Outram's mother settles 
in, 4. 

Address, presentation to Outram 
of an, on his leaving India, 280 
et seq. — again presented with 
an, in London, 286, 288. 

Aden, Outram appointed Com- 
mandant and Political Agent 
at, 168 — improvements effected 
at, ib. et seq. 

Alambagh, the, Outram's defence 
of, after the relief of the Luck- 
now garrison, 2.39 et seq., 248 
— determined attacks on, 242 
et seq. — Sir Colin Campbell's 
preparations for relief of, 245 
— arrival of Hodson's Horse at, 
246 — Outram leaves, 251 — re- 
ceives the thanks of Parliament 
for his services at, 269. 

Allahabad Fort, the, Outram's 
suggestions for strengthening, 
181 — miraculous escape of, from 
destruction, ib. , 200. 

Amirs of Haidarabad, the, Out- 
ram's kindly treatment of, 89 
et seq. — statement to Sir Charles 
Napier regarding, 108 — Outram 
appointed commissioner in nego- 
tiating new treaties with. 111 
— the treaty with, reluctantly 
signed, 114 — Sir Charles Napier's 
victory over, at Miani, 118 — 
Outram's concern for, while 
captives, 119 — the cause of, 

pled by Outram before Lord 
Ripon in London, 123 — ulti- 
mate fate of, 1 24 — Outram's 
continued advocacy of, 129, 
153, 154 — different views re- 
garding, taken by Outram and 
Sir Charles Napier, 139. 

Anderson, James, LL.D., father 
of Mrs Outram, 2. 

Anderson, Lieutenant, murder of, 

Anderson, Margaret, marriage of, 
47. See Lady Outram. 

Anderson, Margaret — see Mrs 

Arabic, Outram takes up the study 
of, 148. 

Argyll, Duke of, presentation of 
address to Outram by, in Lon- 
don, 288. 

Army of Oudh, the, composition 
of, 249 — operations of, 250 
et seq. — results achieved by, 

Army of the Indus, operations of 
the, 58 et seq. 

Auckland, Lord, Outram appointed 
Political Agent in Lower Sind 
by, 86 — the whole of Sind and 
Khelat placed under Outram's 
political charge by, 89 — fare- 
well letter to Outram from, 98 
— testimony of, in the House 
of Lords, as to Outram's ser- 
vices, 100. 



Baroda, Outram's duties as adju- 
tant at, 12 — appointed Resident 
at, 140 — corrupt condition of 
public affairs in, 141 ct seq. — 
Outram's leave of, on medical 
certificate, 145 — his return to, 
155 — his services in, dispensed 
with, 158 — attempts to poison 
him while in, 159 — Parlia- 
mentary Blue - Book issued on 
the aflairs of, 1(52 — Outram 
replaced at, by Lord J)alhousie, 
165 — reforms accomplished in, 
166 et seq. 

Baronetcy, conferring of a, on 
Outram, 269. 

" Bayard of India," the title of, 
applied to Outram by Sir Charles 
Napier, 109. 

Begam's Palace, the, storming of, 
255— death of Hodson of Hod- 
son's Horse during attack on, 

Bengal army, the, mutinous spirit 
in, 195, 196 — outbreak of mutiny 
in, 197. 

Bhils of Khandesh, the, insurrec- 
tion of, 20 — reclamation of, 22 
— raising of a corps amongst, 
lb. et seq. — Outram's measures 
with, 24 — submission of, and 
growth of friendv^hip in, 26 et 
seq. — employment of the corps 
of, on active service, 36 et seq. 
— Outram resigns command of 
corps of, 47- 

Bishop of Bombay, gift from the, 
to Outram, 122. 

British India, royal proclamation 
regarding the government of, 

British soldier, the, Outram's "min- 
ute " as to the wellbeing of, 274 
et seq. — his schemes for the 
comfort of, 277. 

Burnes, Sir Alexander, murder of, 

Calcutta Maldan, the, erection of 
equestrian statue of Outram 
on, 286 — original text of in- 
scription for statue on, 299. 

Camel-drivers, a mutiny amongst, 

Campbell, Sir Colin, march of, for 
the second relief of Lucknow, 
229 — meeting of Outram and 
Havelock with, on relief of 
Lucknow garrison, 232 — orders 
of, for withdrawal from the 
Lucknow Residency, 233 — de- 
spatch of, regarding conduct of 
the garrison during the siege of 
tlie Residency, 237 et seq. — re- 
turn march of, to Cawnpore, 239 
— takes command of the Army 
of Oudh, 249 — final success of, 
258 — tribute by Outram to, 285 
— banquet in London to, ib. — 
Outram and, at Lord Canning's 
funeral in Westminster Abbey, 
287 — at Outram's funeral in 
Westminster Abbey, 294 — grave 
of, in Westminster Abbey, 296. 

Canning, Lord, proclamation of, 
regarding rebel landowners of 
Oudh, 262 — Outram's protest 
against the severity of, 263 — 
becomes the guest of, at Allaha- 
bad, 267 — Outram's testimony 
regarding the Indian policy of, 
286 — funeral of, in Westminster 
Abbey, 287. 

Cawnpore, Havelock's march to, 
200 — the massacre at, ib. — Out- 
ram's march to, 203 — withdrawal 
of Lucknow garrison to, 233 et 
seq. — Sir Colin Campbell's return 
march to, 239. 

Chilianw;11a, effect on Outram of 
the news of the battle of, 

City of London, presentation to 
Outram of the freedom of the, 
270, 285. 

Clerk, Sir George, Outram's ap- 
pointment by, as Resident at 
Baroda, 140 — resignation of, 

Clyde, Lord — see Sir Colin Camp- 

Colonelcy of line regiment, Outram 
debarred the honour of, 290. 

Commander of the Bath, the 



honour of, conferred on Outram, 

'Conquest of Sind, the,' by Sir 
William Napier, misrepresenta- 
tions of Outram in, 133— Out- 
ram's Commentary on, 134, 137 
et seq. 

Cotton, Sir Willoughby, command 
of the Bengal column of the 
Army of the Indus by, 62. 

Crimea, Outram's desire for service 
in the, 164, 173. 

Crown and Company armies in 
India, the, ministerial bill for 
amalgamating, 274 — Outram's 
"supplementary minute" re- 
garding, ib. et seq. 

Dalhousie, Lord, Outram replaced 
in the Baroda Residency by, 165 
— Outram's admiration for, 166 
— appointed Commandant and 
Political Agent at Aden by, 167 
— offered the post of Resident at 
the Court of Oudh by, 169— ill- 
health of, 171, 176— Oudh de- 
clared a British province by, 177 
— procures a K.C.B. for Outram, 
178— Outram's farewell of, 180. 

Dang, the, Outram's expedition 
against the Bhils of, 36 et seq. 

Delhi, the fall of, 209. 

Dost Muhammad, flight of, from 
Ghazni, 69 — the chase after, ib. 
tt seq. 

East India Company, assumption 
of the powers of the, by the 
Crown, 270. 

Egypt, Outram's sojourn in, on 
furlough, 148 et seq. — his 
Memoir on, laid before the 
Government of Bombay, 152 — 
his second residence in, 287. 

Ellenborough, Lord, Outram's pro- 
test against the policy of, re- 
garding Afghanistan, 100 — 
Outram removed from his post 
in Sind by, 107 — declines Out- 
ram an interview, but offers him 
the political charge of Nimar, 
128— recall of, from India, 129. 

Elphinstone, Mountstuart, Gover- 
nor of Bombay, attempts by, 
to reclaim the Bhils of Khan- 
desh, 22 et seq. — Mrs Outram's 
application to, on behalf of her 
son, 43 — testimony of, as to 
Outram's services, 125. 

England, General, Outram's timely 
assistance to, 100 — first ad%'ance 
of, to Kandahar, 103. 

Fayrer, Dr (afterwards Sir Joseph), 
services of, to Outram, at the 
Lucknow Residency, 175 — refer- 
ences to, 180, 184, 210, 218, 
220, 222, 237 et seq. passim,-— 
accounts by, of the relief of the 
Residency during the Mutiny, 
216, 231. 

Fever, Outram's repeated severe 
attacks of, 23. 

Field-sports, Outram's love of, 15 
etseq., 32, 40. 

Fireworks, results of an explosion 
of, 13. 

Gas-poisoning, a lucky escape from, 

Ghazni, storming of the fortress of, 
66 et seq. — flight of Dost Mu- 
hammad from, 69. 

Ghilzais, expedition against the, 
IZ et seq. 

Grand Cross of the Bath, Outram 
receives the, 199. 

Greek characters, use of, for de- 
spatches from the besieged Luck- 
now Residency, 229. 

Guildhall, public function at the, 
in Outram's honour, 285. 

Guzerat, subjugation of the unruly 
clans of, 45 et seq. 

Haidarabad, Outram's residence at, 
87 — the Amirs of, 89 et seq. 
^the Residency at, defended 
by Outram and his garrison, 

Hammersley, Captain, unjust treat- 
ment of, 103. 

Hastings, the Marquis of, results of 
the rule of, in India, 10. 



Havelock, General (afterwards Sir 
Henry), command of troops by, 
in the Persian war, 185 — march 
of, to Cawnpore, 200 — attempts 
of, to relieve the Lucknow 
garrison, 202 — Outram's gener- 
ous resolve regarding the com- 
mand of, 203, 205 — march of 
troops under command of, for 
Lucknow, 20G el seq. — relief of 
the Lucknow garrison by, 217 
€t seq. — Outram's conclusions re- 
garding his abdication of com- 
mand to, 22:5 et seq., 279 — 
meeting of Outram and, with Sir 
Colin Campbell, on second relief 
of Lucknow, 232 — death of, 

Hodson of Hodson's Horse, services 
of, during the Mutiny, 246, 249, 
251— death of, 256. 

Hog-hunting in India, the practice 
of, 15 et seq. 

' Home News, the,' on Outram's 
career, 307 (Appendix D). 

Illuminated address, presentation 

to Outram of an, at the close of 

his career, 286, 288- Outram's 

reply on receiving, 289. 
Imamgarh, the fort of, destroyed 

by 8ir Charles Napier, 112. 
Indian military system, the problem 

of, under Crown rule, 271 et 

seq. — passing of ministerial bill 

regarding, 274. 
Indian Mutiny, the, first signs of, 

195 — outbreak of, 197, 199 

et seq. 
Indus, the Army of the, operations 

of, 58 et seq. 

Jacob, Captain Lc Grand, appoint- 
ment of, as political ruler at 
Sawant-Wari, 132. 

Jacob, Colonel John, appointed to 
cavalry command in the Persian 
war, 185 — Bushahr command 
given to, 189. 

Jupp, R., verses by, on Outram's 
advance to the Lucknow Resi- 
dency, 303 (Appendix B). 

Kabul, British disasters at, 95 — the 
retreat from, ib. et seq. — General 
Nott's march on, 103 et seq. 

Kandahar, Shah Shuja - ul - Mulk 
restored to liis throne at, 65, 72. 

Kavanagh, Thomas, important 
services of, during the siege of 
Lucknow, 230. 

Kaye, Sir John, testimony of, to 
Outram's character, 298. 

Keane, Sir John, Outram becomes 
extra A.D.C. to, 57 — operations 
of the Army of the Indus under 
the command of, 58 et seq. — 
omission of Outram's name in 
(Uiazni despatch of, 84 — letter 
from the son of, to Sir James 
Outram, 305 (Appendix C). 

Khandesh, expedition againt the 
Bhils of, 20 et seq. 

Khatpat, Outram's efforts to abolish 
the practice of, in Baroda, 142 
e.t seq. , 155 et seq. — his report on, 
157 et seq. — Parliamentary Blue- 
Book on, 162 et seq. 

Khelat, the storming of, 76 — ad- 
venturous journey from, to 
Sonmiani, "8 et seq. 

Kittur, the siege of, 18. 

Knighthood of the Bath, Outram 
promoted to a, 177- 

Lawrence, Sir Henry, first meeting 
of Outram and, 147 — death of, 

Lucknow, formal entrance of Out- 
ram into, as Resident at the 
Court of Oudh, 172 — his leave 
of, from ill-health, 180— Have- 
lock's attempts to relieve the 
garrison of, on the outbreak of 
the Mutiny, 202 — march of the 
relieving column for, 206 et seq. 
— operations for the relief of, 
210 ^( seq. — the final advance on, 
216 — relief of the Residency at, 
217 — strengthening of the de- 
fences of, 225 et seq. — Sir Colin 
Campbell's march towards, 229 
— meeting of Outram, Havelock, 
and Campbell on second lelief 
of, 232 — withdrawal of the 



garrison from, 233 et seq. — Sir 
Colin Campbell's preparations for 
attack on, 245 — operations of 
the Army of Oudh in, 250 et seq. 
— final victory at, 258 — the 
enemy's flight from, 259 — Out- 
ram receives thanks of Parlia- 
ment for his share in the con- 
quest of, 269 — verses on Out- 
ram's advance on the Residency 
at, 303 (Appendix B). 

Mahi Kanta, the, insubordination 
in, 45 — expedition against, 48 — 
Outram's residence in, 52 — suc- 
cessful pacitication of, 55. 

Maude, Colonel, curious reward to, 
for feat of arms, 225. 

Melville, Lord, interview with, of 
Outram's mother, 4. 

Merchant Taylors' Company of 
London, presentation to Outram 
of the freedom of the, 270. 

Miani, Sir Charles Napier's victory 
at, 118. 

Mihrab Khan, ruler of Biluchistan, 
expedition against, 76 ei seq. 

Money, Inglis, anecdote regarding 
Outram by, 127. 

Morris, Colonel W. , ' ' Rough 
Notes" by, 300 (Appendix A). 

Musalman sacred banner, capture 
of a, at Kabul, 68. 

Napier, Colonel Robert (afterwards 
Lord Napier of Magdala), ap- 
pointment of, as Outram's mili- 
tary secretary during the Indian 
Mutiny, 201 — services of, during 
the siege of the Lucknow Resi- 
dency, 218, 226, 238— presence 
of, with the Army of Oudh, 250 
— farewell dinner to, 179. 

Napier, Sir Charles, supreme con- 
trol in Sind assumed by, 106 — 
the title of "Bayard of India" 
applied to Outram by, 109 — the 
fort of Imamgarh destroyed by, 
112 — the battle of Miiini fought 
by, 118 — crowning victory over 
the Amirs' forces gained by, 124 
— unfortunate result of Outram's 

quarrel with, 136 — Outram's feel- 
ings towards, 280. 

Napier, Sir William, misrepresent- 
ations of Outram in the ' Con- 
quest of Sind' by, 133 et seq. 

Narbada valley, the insurrection 
amongst the Bhils of the, 42 et 

Nasir Khan of Khelat, revolt of, 
92 — conference between Outram 
and, ih. — instalment of, as chief 
of Khelat, 93. 

Native witnesses, hardships of, 44. 

Neill, Brigadier-General, death of, 
at first relief of the Lucknow 
Residency, 218. 

North-West Provinces, Outram's 
request for Political employment 
in the, 42. 

Nur Muhammad Khan, affecting 
scene at deathbed of, 90. 

Olpherts, Major William, services 
of, in the Alambagh, 240, 242, 
244 — with the Army of Oudh, 
250— Outram's letter to, 266. 

Oudh, Outram appointed Resident 
at the Court of, 169 — his official 
report on the condition of, 174 — 
declared a British province, 177 
— Outram appointed Chief Com- 
missioner in, 201 — services of 
the Army of, 250 et seq. — Lord 
Canning's proclamation regard- 
ing rebel landowners of, 262 — 
Outram's resignation as Chief 
Commissioner of, 264 — his de- 
parture from, 265. 

Outram, Benjamin, father of Sir 
James, 2. 

Outram, Francis, brother of Sir 
James, early years of, 4 — refer- 
ences to, 8, 14, 19, 33 — his 
death, 33 — monument to, 35. 

Outram, Francis (now Sir Francis), 
son of Sir James, birth of, 52— 
references to, 127, 161, 162, 197, 
293—" Rough Notes " by Colonel 
W. Morris sent to, 300 (Appen- 
dix A). 

Outram, General Sir James, parent- 
age of, 1 et seq. — his school- days, 



5 el neq. — becomes a cadet in the 
Indian army, 8 — appointed ad- 
jutant of a regiment of native 
infantry, 12 — marches against 
the Bhils of Khandesh, 20 — 
raises and commands a Bhll 
corps, 22 — his native troops 
take the fiehl, 36 — his love of 
sport, 40 — he applies for Politi- 
cal employment in the North- 
West Pi'ovinces, 42 — his mar- 
riage, 47 — proceeds against the 
unruly clans of the Mahi 
Kanta, 48 et seq. — sails for 
Sind as extra A.D.C. to Sir 
John Keane, 57 — his service 
with the Army of the Indus, 62 
et ■seq. — conducts an expedition 
against the disaffected Ghilzais 
and Biliichis, 73 e( -seq. — is pro- 
moted to brevet rank of major, 
S3 — becomes Political Agent of 
Sind and Khelut, 89 — his danger- 
ous illness, 103 — is joined by 
Sir Charles Napier, 106 — takes 
farewell of Sind, 108 — is ordered 
back to Sind, 111 — rejoins Sir 
Charles Napier, and acts in con- 
cert with him in pacifying the 
country, 112 el seq. — embarks 
for Bombay on furlough, 119 

— is presented with a sword 
and a piece of plate, 121— ar- 
rives in London, 123. 

He pleads the cause of the 
exiled Amirs of Sind with Lord 
Ripon, 123 cl seq. — is gazetted 
Lieutenant - Colonel and C.B. , 
125 — his return to India, 126 

— accepts a Political charge, 
128 — volunteers for service 
against the Marathas, 129 — 
becomes Resident at the Court 
of Satfira, 132 — his application 
for active service in the Pun- 
jab refused, 135 — publication 
of his Commentary on General 
Sir William Napier's 'Conquest 
of Sind,' 137 — appointed Resi- 
dent at Baroda, 140 — on sick 
leave, 146. 

His leisure-time occupations in 

Egypt, 148 et seq. — his return 
to Baroda, 1 55 — his services at 
Baroda dispensed with, 158 — 
repeated attempts on his life, 
159 — arrives in England, 160 — 
official inquiry regarding his 
work in Baroda, 163 — is rein- 
stated at the Residency there, 
165 — appointed Commandant 
and Political Agent at Aden, 
168 — becomes Resident at Luck- 
now, 170 — promoted to be Chief 
Commissioner of Oudh, with title 
of Sir James Outram, K.C.B. , 
177 — again invalided home, 180 
— is given command of army in 
Persia, 184 — his successes in 
Persia, 187 ft seq. — the 78th 
Highlanders bid him farewell, 
198 — receives the Grand Cross 
of the Bath, 199 — takes com- 
mand of the Bengal army on the 
outbreak of the Indian Mutiny, 
201 — his march to Cawnpore, 
203 — transfers his command to 
General Havelock, 205 — present 
at the relief of the Lucknow 
Residency, 217 — resumes chief 
command of troops in Oudh, 
220 — resolves to wait in the 
Residency for arrival of help, 
221 — along with Havelock wel- 
comes Sir Colin Campbell on 
second relief of the Lucknow 
garrison, 232 — carries out the 
retreat from the Residency, 233 
et seq. — is left behind to hold 
the position around the Alam- 
bagh, 239 et seq. — co-operates 
with Sir Colin Campbell in ex- 
pelling the rebels from Lucknow, 
249 et seq. — is appointed military 
member of the Supreme Council 
at Calcutta, 264 — receives vari- 
ous public honoui's, 269 — his 
views as to the remodelling of 
our Indian military system, 271 
et seq. — his care for the British 
soldier, 274 et seq. — is forced by 
ill-health to embark for home, 
280 — farewell gifts presented to 
him at Calcutta, 281 et seq. 



His journey to England, 284 
— more public honours conferred 
upon him, 285 tt seq. — goes to 
and fro in search of health, 287 — 
receives degree of D.C.L. from 
Oxford, 288 — his last two years, 
290 et seq.— his death, 293— his 
funeral at Westminster Abbey, 
294 — public testimonies as to 
his worth and services to his 
country, 296 et seq. 

Outram Institute, establishment of 
the, at Dum-dum, 278. 

Outram, Lady, references to, 52, 
53, 88, 89, 126, 133, 146, 148, 
161, 162, 172, 180, 197, 198, 
228, 251, 268, 269, 278, 285, 
292, 293. 

Outram, Margaret, sister of Sir 
James, marriage of, 33 — death 
of, 39. 

Outram, Mrs, mother of Sir James, 
references to, 2, 3, 4, 14, 31, 
38, 42, 57, 87, 98, 123, 126, 
128, 133, 140, 144, 158, 162, 
170, 182, 183, 290— death of, 

Outram, William, D.D., an ancestor 
of Sir James, notice of, 1. 

Outram's Rifles, the designation 
of, 312 (Appendix E). 

Oxford, Outram and Lord Palmer- 
ston receive degree of D.C.L. 
from, 288. 

Palmerston, Lord, testimony of, 
as to the value of Outram's 
Memoir on Egypt, 152 — degree 
of D.C.L. conferred by Oxford 
on, 288. 

Partab Singh, expedition against, 

Pau, death of Outram at, 293. 

Persia, Outram appointed to com- 
mand of expedition against, 183 
— military operations in, 186 et 
seq. — signing of treaty between 
Great Britain and, 194 — Outram 
receives the Grand Cross of the 
Bath for services in, 199. 

Pig-sticking in India, the practice 
of, 15 e^ seq. 

Plate, piece of, presented to Out- 
ram at Bombay, 121. 

Poole, Stuart, Outram accompanied 
by, in his survey of the Desert 
route, 148 — some reminiscences 
of Outram by, 149 et seq. 

Queen Victoria, proclamation by, 
regarding government of British 
India, 270. 

Quetta, Outram's adventurous ride 
from Sind to, 91 — conference 
between Nasir Khan and Outram 
at, 92. 

'Rough Notes,' publication of 
Outram's, 84. 

"Rough and Ready," Outram's 
communication under signature 
of, as to value of sport in mili- 
tary training, 40. 

Sepoy soldiers, Outram's concern 
for the proper treatment of, 

Shah Shuja - ul - Mulk, reinstate- 
ment of, as ruler of Afghanis- 
tan, 65, 72 — native revolt 
against, 94. 

Shield, presentation to Outram of 
a, 269. 

Silver dessert service, presenta- 
tion to Outram of a, 286. 

Silver plate, set of, presented to 
Lady Outram, 269. 

Sind, expedition against, 57 et seq. 
— Outram becomes Political 
Agent in, 86, 89— Sir Charles 
Napier assumes supreme con- 
trol in, 106 — annexation of, to 
British India, 124. 

Sind prize-money, Outram's dis- 
posal of his share of, 126, 

Sligo, Mrs, sister of Sir James 
Outram, some reminiscences by, 
6 — reference to, 126. 

Southern Mahratta country, Out- 
ram's services during the re- 
bellion in the, 129 et seq. 

St Paul's Cathedral, funeral of 
Duke of Wellington in, 162. 



Suraj Mall, subjugation and out- 
lawry of, 48 et seq. 

Sword, presentation of a, to Out- 
ram at Bombay, 121 — and in 
London, 270, 285. 

Thackeray, St John, murder of, 

Thames embankment, erection of 

statue of Outran! on the, 

'Times of India, the,' on Outram's 

career, 297. 
'Times, the,' on Outram's career, 


Wellington, the Duke of, funeral 
of, 162. 

Westminster Abbey, monument to 
an ancestor of Outram's in, 1 — 
Lord Canning's funeral in, 287 
— Outram's funeral in, 294 et 
seq. — Outram's grave in, 296 — 
Lord Clyde's grave in, ib. 

"White Mutiny," the so-called, in 
India, 273. 

Willshire, General, services of, 
with the Army of the Indus, 
65, 76 — tribute paid to Outram 
by, 78 — task entrusted to Out- 
ran! by, ib. et seq. 

Victoria Cross, Outram prevented Yearly pension, Outram granted a, 
from receiving the, 222. 269. 




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